Electronic Library of Scientific Literature - © Academic Electronic Press



INTERNATIONAL ISSUES/
MEDZINÁRODNÉ OTÁZKY


Vol. XII / No 1 / 2003

ŠTÚDIE, ANALÝZY - STUDIES, ANALYSIS

003 Jozef Hudec, Radomír Boháč;

Relations of the Slovak Republic with the Countries of the Middle East and North Africa Region
Vzťahy Slovenskej republiky s krajinami regiónu Blízkeho a Stredného východu a severnej Afriky

043 Jaroslav Bureš;

Islamist Groups Versus an Authoritative State in a Struggle for Political Power in Algeria
Islamistické skupiny versus autoritativní stát v boji o politickou moc v Alžírsku

068 Gabriela Gregušová;

Political Relations of Slovakia and China and their Influence on Slovak Export to China
Politické vzťahy Slovenska s Čínou a ich vplyv na slovenský export do Číny

084 Peter Brezáni;

Historical and Political Aspects of the Reunification Process on Korean Peninsula
Historické a politické aspekty reunifikačného procesu na Kórejskom polostrove

ÚVAHY, ROZPRAVY, ROZHOVORY - REFLECTIONS, TRANSACTIONS, INTERVIEWS

098 Miroslav Nožina;

Islamic Terrorism in South-East Asia
Islámský terorismus v jihovýchodní Asii

111 Jozef Hudec, Radomír Boháč, Anton Frič;

Relations between India and Pakistan
Indicko-pakistanské vzťahy

122 Viktor Krupa;

Ethnic Renaissance in Pacific Islands
Etnická renesancia v Tichomorí

RECENZIE, SPRÁVY

135 Lebedeva, M. M.;

 Svetová politika. Aspekt Press, Moskva 2003, 351 strán, ISBN 5-7567-0148-6

138 Kolosov, V. A., Mironenko, N. S.;

Geopolitika a politická geografia. Aspekt Press, Moskva 2002, 479 strán, ISBN 5-7567-0143-5


Relations of the Slovak Republic with the Countries of the Middle East and North Africa Region 

Vzťahy Slovenskej republiky s krajinami regiónu Blízkeho a Stredného východu a severnej Afriky

Jozef Hudec, Radomír Boháč

Príspevok vznikol na základe materiálu Koncepcia rozvoja vzťahov Slovenskej republiky s krajinami regiónu Blízkeho a Stredného východu a severnej Afriky, ktorý schválilo vedenie Ministerstva zahraničných vecí SR 19. decembra 2002. V prvej časti príspevku je geograficky a terminologicky definovaná oblasť Blízkeho východu, Stredného východu a severnej Afriky z hľadiska slovenských reálií a prevažujúceho jazykového úzu. Na rozdiel od prác, v ktorých sa pod Stredným východom rozumie, pod vplyvom anglického prekladu termínu Middle East, niekedy celá oblasť od Maroka až po Pakistan, v texte príspevku je týmto termínom označovaná iba oblasť Iránu, Afganistanu a Pakistanu. Podobne severná Afrika je v príspevku definovaná ako súbor krajín od Mauretánie po Egypt. Všetky krajiny, na ktoré je príspevok zameraný, spadajú v teritoriálnom členení MZV SR do kompetencie 4. teritoriálneho odboru. V druhej časti je text zameraný na prezentáciu hlavných fenoménov, ktoré zakladajú podmienky pre vzťahy Slovenska s krajinami regiónu, t. j. na ekonomickú bázu vrátane stručnej charakteristiky prírodného bohatstva, priemyslu, poľnohospodárstva a obchodnej bilancie jednotlivých krajín regiónu. Ako ďalšie dôležité faktory, ovplyvňujúce vzájomné vzťahy, sú uvedené demografická situácia a bezpečnostná báza. Vzhľadom na vývoj medzinárodnej situácie materiál podrobnejšie rozpracováva bezpečnostnú oblasť a upozorňuje na možné bezpečnostné riziká, akými sú jadrové, chemické a biologické zbrane, arabsko-izraelský konflikt, iracká problematika a potenciálny zdroj konfliktov – voda. Tretia časť príspevku je zameraná na doterajšie vzťahy Slovenska s krajinami regiónu, ich tradície a stav v oblasti politických stykov, ekonomických a kultúrnych vzťahov, konzulárnych stykov, diplomatického zastúpenia Slovenska v oblasti a ostatných faktorov. Po zhrnutí doterajších bilaterálnych návštev sa zistilo, že doposiaľ žiaden slovenský premiér oficiálne nenavštívil žiadnu z krajín regiónu. Taktiež zmluvná základňa je vo vzťahu k niektorým krajinám nedocenená, resp. neexistujúca. Slovensko má v oblasti 8 efektívnych ZÚ a od roku 2000 sezónny konzulárny úrad v Kuvajte. Štvrtá časť príspevku rozoberá nutné a žiaduce kroky zahraničnej politiky SR ku krajinám regiónu z hľadiska bilaterálnych, ekonomických a kultúrnych kontaktov, opatrení zmluvnej základne a vízovej politiky, bezpečnostnej oblasti a budúceho rozvoja siete ZÚ, resp. záujmových kancelárií. V oblasti zahraničnej politiky je potrebné cielene a systematicky zamerať sa na krajiny, v ktorých je reálne dosiahnutie zintenzívnenia predovšetkým obchodno-ekonomickej spolupráce, posilnenie slovenského exportu a získanie voľného investičného kapitálu. Po takmer 10 rokoch existencie samostatnej SR a na základe jasných parametrov úrovne vzťahov je možné presne vymedziť krajiny prednostného záujmu z pohľadu presadzovania národných záujmov SR v regióne BSV a SA: Izrael, Egypt, Kuvajt, Saudská Arábia, SAE, Irán a ďalšie uvedené v koncepčnej časti. Tomuto zámeru musí zodpovedať aj spôsob a metodika pôsobenia a aktivít SR vo vzťahu k týmto krajinám, resp. celkové pôsobenie SR v tomto regióne, kde by mal nastať kvalitatívny posun vychádzajúci z reálneho posúdenia existujúceho stavu relácií, národných záujmov SR a limitov, ktoré sú dané ekonomickou situáciou SR. Zároveň aj v súvislosti s prístupovým procesom SR do EÚ a NATO je potrebné komplexne, reálne a na čo najširšej báze (štátna správa, SOPK, SARIO ap.) analyzovať priority SR v jednotlivých regiónoch sveta a zvoliť optimálne prostriedky na ich presadzovanie. Z tohto pohľadu je potrebné chápať aj zmysel a význam predkladanej koncepcie vzťahov SR s krajinami BSV a SA.


Islamistické skupiny versus autoritativní stát v boji o politickou moc v Alžírsku

Islamist Groups Versus an Authoritative State in a Struggle for Political Power in Algeria

Jaroslav Bureš

Eleven-year lasting conflict between the militant Islamists and an authoritative regime in Algeria has counted almost 150,000 casualties until now. The author has analysed the specific development of the society in the economic, political and cultural field after Algeria gained its independence from France and thus he has revealed the causes of the crisis. A specific form of national liberation movement in Algeria, launched in the latter half of the 30’s by orthodox salafiyyah movement Association of Islamic Ulamas, played a significant role in strengthening the status and influence of Islam within the society. Its charismatic leader Ábd al-Hamid Ben Badis attempted to connect Arabian nationalism with Islam. The National Liberation Front also followed this effort. The author points out that the aimed liquidation of the rest of public Islam, demographic changes and socio-economic crisis led to strengthening of the intolerant urban forms of Islam in the 70’s in Algeria. The state had become the guarantee of the consistent islamisation until the end of the 80’s. Furthermore, Islamic re-education of population under the supervision of Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood was realised. The author sees the beginning of the crisis in the Algerian policy of 80’s, when the state stopped controlling the masjids, Islamic infrastructure, financing and ensuring social benefits to the population of Algeria. Thus independent Islamic groups begun to take over the responsibility for running the masjids and the social issues of the population. Two subchapters are devoted to the analyses of the political and economic programme of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS). The author also shows the similarity of its programme with the essential documents of the National Liberation Front. The main principles of the Islamic Salvation Front are explained as follows: sovereignty of the God; public interests of the Islamic society, the perception of the personal and collective freedom as well as relations of religion and secularism. FIS Islamists refused the political parties, movements or individuals supporting atheism, materialism, liberalism, philosophical pluralism and gender equality. In their Manifesto for Justice and Peace from January 1999, FIS called for the political pluralism which would support the minorities’ rights. Nevertheless, FIS adapted its programme to the actual tactic aims. As far as the economy is concerned, FIS criticised the governmental vacancy in relation to the liberalisation and privatisation. Similarly to the other Islamic parties, FIS also refused radical liberalisation of economy claiming that it weakens the state role and fragmentises the society. They also supported dismantling of the dependence on the outside non- -Islamic word and supported Arabian integration and social reforms but they did not succeed. The National Liberation Front government organised a coup and strengthened the position of the radicals refusing the renewal of the political pluralism. In the next chapter, the reasons for the political crisis which, according to the author, are related to the demographic and social situation are examined. The determining moment was the leaving of the young, traditionalist population from the countryside for the cities, due to the lack of job opportunities. This social class together with the worsening economic situation significantly influenced the formation of the Islamists. The government allowed the Islamists to take control over masjids and changed them into the centers of the social life. The formation of the Islamists was also enabled due to the inflexibility of the Western countries. The leaders of the Western countries did not trust the pro-Soviet Algerian National Liberation Front policy that constantly criticized Western imperialism on the international forums. Another part of the contribution is related to the ambivalent development of the crisis during the period of the president Liamine Zerual and his effort to start a national dialogue. His regime also attempted to keep the Islamists in political isolation. In 1997 the campaign for liquidation of political Islam was launched, culminating by the establishment of the antiislamic secular centristic party National Democratic Rally which won the parliamentary elections. The military regime disabled the legal usurpation of the political power by the Islamists and thus the legitimacy of their rule as well as the stability of the system was weakened. The coup and the cancellation of the elections’ results enabled an extremely radical wing of Islamists, represented by Armed Islamic Group, to usurp a decisive position in the military resistance movement. The political situation in the country was stabilised and the National Liberation Front succeeded in the parliamentary elections in 2002 after a long time. Algeria has become an active participant in the international war on terorism after September 11th 2001. The Western countries have moderated their attitude to human rights respecting in Algeria and the period of relationship normalisation have begun. As it was summed up in the conclusion, the policy of non-violent legal political isolation of the moderate Islamic wing as well as suppressing of jihad and Islamic structures were temporarily successful in Egypt and Algeria. The permanent stabilisation of the regime will be possible provided that the Government manages to resolve complicated political, economic and social problems.*

* Summary: Peter Brezáni


Politické vzťahy Slovenska s Čínou a ich vplyv na slovenský export do Číny

Political Relations of Slovakia and China and their Influence on Slovak Export to China

Gabriela Gregušová

In my contribution I examine how the activities of state bodies of the Slovak Republic have influenced the export to the People’s Republic of China during past ten years. The resources of my research are interviews with 20 representatives of the largest Slovak exporters to China, with officers at Slovak ministries and at the Slovak Embassy in Beining as well as their statistics, analyses and reports. I begin with the statement that although the relations with China do not figure not among priorities of Slovak foreign policy the highest Slovak political representatives have expressed rather big attention to Slovak-Chinese relations especially in the form of meetings with Chinese partners. A big issue of the Slovak-Chinese relations is a great deficit of Slovak-Chinese trade, which was in 2002 the third greatest deficit of the Slovak foreign trade. Several private companies have criticised the Slovak state bodies that there is no conception of economic and political relations with the PRC. However, I claim that a necessary framework actually does exist and there are also some tools how to promote Slovak export to China. On the other hand, many tools have not been functioning, e.g. the Foreign Trade Support Fund, Slovak Investment and Trade Development Agency or cooperation between Slovak and Chinese regions. The only state body supporting Slovak export to China is the Slovak Embassy in Beijing together with its commercial department. I reason why the visits and contacts of the Slovak state representatives have minimally helped the Slovak export. Today, the decisive factor of the success of Slovak companies at the Chinese market is their activity. In my opinion, althoug activity of the Slovak companies is crucial, Slovak state shall promote their work in case of the projects that need Chinese state support. Finally I propose several perspective activies for the Slovak state bodies in order to efficiently help Slovak companies when trading with China.


Historické a politické aspekty reunifikačného procesu na Kórejskom polostrove

Historical and Political Aspects of the Reunification Process on Korean Peninsula

Peter Brezáni

In my contribution, I have attempted to offer a comprehensive view on the reunification process on Korean Peninsula. The contribution starts with the overview of the geopolitical and historical context within which both Koreas are divided and also offers the options for the future reunification. Geography gave Korea a particularly difficult role in the past 100 years. Two major conflicts significantly influenced the development on the Peninsula: Sino-Japanese and Russian-Japanese wars. Japanese’s victory in both wars enabled them to strengthen its position as a regional power and thus annexe Korean peninsula in 1910. Notwithstanding Japan was defeated in the World War II, its defeat did not bring the independence, Koreans had fought for in the World War II. Instead, it brought inception of ideological, political, economic and military conflict in the partitioned country influenced by USA and USSR to a large extent. Thus USA and USSR had significantly influenced the forming of the ROK and DPRK. At the beginning of the 50’s the division of the Peninsula resulted in the Korean War and the war finished with the armistice agreement. One of the most important consequences of the war was the hardening of ideological and political lines between two Koreas. The South Korean regime became increasingly dictatorial and corrupt in the aftermath of the war. The reunification effort was mainly stressed by the DPRK at that time. The situation changed at the beginning of the 70’s when the historic Sino-American rapprochement begun that openly split the communist world and changed global politics. This circumstance together with American decision to withdraw some of its troops from ROK made both states to sit at the negotiation table. The South – North talks resulted in a joint communiqué in which both sides agreed to reunite the country independently and without foreign interference; transcending differences in ideology and political systems; and unifying the country peacefully without the use of armed forces. They also agreed on establishing a South-North Co-ordinating Committee as the machinery for substantive negotiations and for implementing the points of agreement. No other significant dialogue between two Koreas occurred until the middle of 1984, when the South Korean Red Cross accepted a proposal by its North Korean counterpart to send relief goods for flood victims in the South. In 1985, two countries exchanged performing art groups and 92 members of separated families met. At the beginning of the 1986, however, DPRK once again suddenly cut off the talks with South. At the end of the 80’s a newly elected president Roh Tae Woo began to apply his Nordpolitik. Nordpolitik, together with the ROK’s effort to expand ties with the former communist block and North’s economic decline, dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War contributed to a basic change in P’yongyang’s attitude towards Seoul. In December 13, 1991 Agreement on Reconciliation, Nonaggression, Exchanges and Co-operation between the South and the North as well as the Joint Declaration on the Denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula and the Agreement on the Formation of Subcommittees of South-North High-Level Talks contributed to the improvement of the mutual relationnships. However, in the middle of the 90’s due to suspicions, about DPRK’s nuclear arms and DPRK’s refusal of the IAEA inspections and declarations of its withdrawal from the NPT the talks were again interrupted. A new dimension of the inter Korean relations occurred after the ROK’s election of 1998, when Kim Dae Jung was elected a president of ROK. His sunshine policy based on three basic principles of zero tolerance for aggression, renunciation of unification through absorption and an active drive for reconciliation and mutual action replaced the old policy of isolation and containment of DPRK. The greatest contribution of the sunshine policy was P‘yongyang meeting held from June 13 to 15, 2000, which has been the last positive signal of the developing inter-Korean relations and achieving peaceful reunification so far. The current situation has been worsened by the withdrawal of the DPRK from NPT. The central reasons of maintaining status quo on peninsula are primarily different political and socio-economic systems, military hostility and opposing ideologies. As the reunification is considered to be the common goal, both Koreas should find the way to homogenize the systems, so the real unity would be achieved. In respect to the unification debates several scenarios occur: Unification through peaceful integration and negotiations; Unification through absorption; Unification through conflict or war; and Potential external intervention with its numbers of different permutations and variations. In terms of economic unity, three options for reunification occur: socialization of South, Capitalization of North and finally, a kind of Hybrid of the system already existing in both parts of the Peninsula. Probably the best way is posed by the second option. The question is, whether the North Korean leader Kim Jong Il will be able to accelerate changes of the system. The reforms pose several political, social and economic risks threatening his position of an absolute leader. On the other hand, economic reform does not have to pose transition of political power in DPRK. To facilitate unification policy, new principles were established in the 90’s. The normalization of the inter-state relations in the sense of coexistence between the DPRK and ROK and the following move toward the unified state could be a solution of the Korean issue. The principles of coexistence and coprosperity are meant to bring to both Koreas freedom and affluence through mutual exchanges and cooperation. The unification formulas of both Koreas, Soul’s confederation and P’yongyang’s loose form of federation are different from the formula of unification through absorption as agreed on P’yongyang summit. Soul’s formula seeks common interests in the form of Korean Peninsula Economic Community and then develops into Korean Peninsula Union. Such a scenario can be translated into action only when DPRK declares its non -agression towards the South and gives up its nuclear programme and thus reduces the tension on the Peninsula. On the other hand the loose form of federation denotes something between a federation and confederation. Hence, it represents the maintaining of the internal mechanisms of DPRK’s rule. Nevertheless, it can keep alive the vision for reunification for people in the South and generate some sense of hope for the people in the North. Neither federation nor confederation will be a stable system if they are to be based on the maintaining hostility of both systems. Although the German unification formula (absorption) was rejected, it could be a good lesson for the Koreans. Everything cannot be solved through a single summit. A common attitude towards the mutual relations in connection with their common roots, cultural identity, language and geography, which could facilitate the socio-economic and political transformation process, must be recognized so both Koreas realise that none of them poses a threat to the other. Nevertheless, there is a hope that process of significant escalations of the changes in DPRK influenced by the diplomatic efforts of world powers and deepening social and economic cooperation will continue. The signing of the Peace Treaty, which would finally end the Korean War, would pose the crucial step toward unification. As mentioned before, tension on the Peninsula stems from the complexity of the Korean issue. The complexity is reflected in mutual relations of both Koreas, their responsibilities for unification process and its possible scenarios as well as strategic calculations of major powers in the region. Undoubtedly these powers are going to play a significant role in this complicated issue.


Islámský terorismus v jihovýchodní Asii

Islamic Terrorism in South-East Asia

Miroslav Nožina

Political Islam in South – East Asia in comparison with its Middle East forms is characterized by much more moderateness and tolerance. The majority of Islamic groups over here have a non-violent nature. On the other side became the Islam after acquiring of independence by the region’s countries an integral part of the offensive speech of a number of autonomist and separatist movements, ethnic and religious groupings with extremistic programmes. There are concerns existing, that the South – East Asia region could eventually became after Afghanistan the new headquarter of world terrorism. Islamic networks are much stronger and much more branched here than assumed before. The Islamists are behind a lot of attacks in the region. Indonesia since a long period of time is confronted with Islamic radicalism in the Achehu province of the Sumatra island. A strong religious undertone obtained also the conflicts between the old Christian settlers and Muslim immigrants on the Celebes and Molucca islands. The Philippines are facing the Islamic convulsions already since the colonial administration of the U. S., in Thailand became the Islamic extremism an expression of resistance of the Muslim minority against the central Buddhist government. Separatist tendencies joined with calculations regarding the appending of Muslim South Thailand to the Muslim Malaysia are developed there since the 50s. The goal of the radical Islamists in Malaysia is to overthrow the government and to install/establish an Islamic state. In Indonesia, Malaysia and on the Philippines never existed a firmly organised hierarchic network of radical Islamists. Rather than that there were more or less independent groupings with similar aims and opinions. During the 80 and 90 in connection to the internationalisation of the Islamic extremism, the situation changed, the extremists from various corners are operating jointly more and more often. In the network’s center there is the regional terrorist organization Djama Islamia (Islamic group – DI). Its aim it is to create the Daula Islamia, an Islamic state covering South Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and Southern Philippines. The Islamic network tried to realize a series of bomb attacks on the U. S. Embassies, the Embassies of Australia, the United Kingdom and Israel to Singapore. It was an act of joined revenge plan of the DI and Al-Quaeda for the Afghanistan operation. The plan did not succeed. Even though, the security units failed to prevent the bomb attack of November 2002 on Bali. In the case of both Singapore and Bali we apparently do not speak of isolated actions of regional importance. Their international impact is obvious. After September 11 all countries of the region officially expressed condemnation and support for the war on terrorism. The most vigorous adherent of the anti-terror policy of the U. S. in the region became the Philippines, which supported the Afghanistan operation and with backing of the USA intensified their operations against domestic Islamic extremists. Also Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore launched extensive investigations of terrorist networks. The most complicated situation is in Indonesia, where the domestic political interests limit operations of local security agencies. Discrepancies in the concept of combating terrorism between single states of the region were projected into the action of ASEAN, that for the time being with difficulties is searching for a “consensus” for its members.*

* Summary: Soňa Časnochová


Indicko-pakistanské vzťahy

Relations between India and Pakistan

Jozef Hudec, Radomír Boháč, Anton Frič

The underlying issue around which most, if not all, conflicts and disagreements between India and Pakistan have been arising is the issue of Kashmir. The problem of Kashmir appeared when the former colony of India was in late 1940s divided into Hindu India and Muslim Pakistan (i.e. division on the basis of religion). The result was that part of northern India called Kashmir, whose inhabitants were of mostly Muslim religion, became a part of new Republic of India. Since then, India and Pakistan engaged in several wars over Kashmir. In those conflicts, India has been the victor, mostly because it was, in economic and military terms, much stronger party than Pakistan. The problem of Kashmir became more pressing after India and Pakistan executed experimental nuclear tests in May 1998. These nuclear tests are understood by both India and Pakistan as an important assurance of their sovereignty and important factor of mutual deterrence. Tensions between India and Pakistan remained after cessation of a dialogue caused by a military coup in Pakistan in May 2000 and the subsequent accession of General P. Musharraf to Presidency of the country. However, negotiations between the President of Pakistan P. Musharraf and the Prime Minister of India A. B. Vajpayee in Agra in June 2001 marked an important step towards lessening of tensions. India said that its relations with Pakistan cannot be held a hostage because of one problem: Kashmir. Although India regards the question of solving the problem of Kashmir as a purely internal affair and an issue of solely bilateral relations between India and Pakistan, New Delhi still welcomed and characterised as an important success of its foreign policy the appearance of official statements of US and other main countries, which commented on responsibility on the part of Pakistan for the existence of militant groups. After terrorist attacks on the US in September 2001 and after change of approach towards terrorism and subsequent appearance of new definitions of activities of armed groups operating in various regions of the world, one could notice a change of approach of the international community towards the problem of Kashmir. In December 2001, a group of several terrorists attacked the building of the Indian parliament in New Delhi. Minister for Foreign Affairs of India J. Singh subsequently said that the responsibility for this attack lies with terrorist groups operating in Pakistan. The Government of India asked the Government of Pakistan to take measures against militant groups in Pakistan. Indian Foreign Minister also sent a message to Pakistan that India was forced to take a closer look on diplomatic relations between both countries. General P. Musharraf condemned the attack and promised to curb militant groups in northern part of Kashmir and in Pakistan itself. In spite of the above mentioned facts, there are signals that Pakistan and India have a continuous interest in solving disagreements and conflicts centred around the problem of Kashmir through diplomatic channels. It is actually not probable that the Kashmir crisis would cause an open military conflict between India and Pakistan, be it conventional or nuclear. It can rather be expected that the series of crises over Kashmir between India and Pakistan will keep appearing periodically in the future. It is necessary to see the latent conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir through the wider context of the region of South Asia and through the position of Asia in international politics as such. Kashmir is only one example of numerous hotspots scattered throughout the region, which shows dynamics and trends in interstate relations there. In the end, it is apparent that the Kashmir conflict represents by and large a “war of words”, which is being limited by the events of September 11 and the subsequent great pressure of the US and allies aimed at a peaceful solution of local and regional conflicts, including Kashmir. It has to be kept in mind as well, that relations between India and Pakistan cannot be judged through the framework of European criteria and standards in international relations. In the case of India and Pakistan, we are dealing with a mixture of religious, historical and subjective issues, which are fuelled by nationalistic elements on both sides. This in the end creates pressures on political elites of both countries, who very often react emotionally and such overreactions very much do not correspond with reality on the ground but are rather aimed at influencing internal political processes in India and Pakistan.


Etnická renesancia v Tichomorí

Ethnic Renaissance in Pacific Islands

Viktor Krupa

The process of Westernization has been affecting the world since some five centuries countries ago. Its consequences vary to a considerable extent and are especially engraved with those native peoples that came into contact or clashed with the West suddenly and in a massive way. This civilizational shock is typical for many parts of Oceania and led to a drastic physical decline of many small ethnic communities, to the breakdown of their ethnic consciousness and discontinuity of their culture. The visitors and subsequently the colonists have contributed either deliberately or unintentionally to disruption of the traditional foundations of the insular social organization, their economics and value systems and pushed the native inhabitants into the background. With several exceptions, the peoples of Polynesia lost the right to govern their homeland and the fate of other parts of the Pacific world (especially of Australia and New Caledonia) was not different. Their loss of hope accompanied by economic and political deprivation seems to have yielded to a phenomenon that deserves to be termed ethnic renaissance. It is especially vigorous in two Polynesian countries – the Hawaiian Islands and the New Zealand in which the idea of ethnic sovereignty and economic compensations has lately been debated. And yet this is only the beginning of a long-term battle for the atonement of wrongs or even – at least in some instances – for their sovereignty. Neither is the idea of Pan-Pacific or at least of Pan-Polynesian solidarity insignificant. Its existence was confirmed by the initiative of some Pacific peoples when they had supported the demands of the ethnic Fijians to overthrow the government consisting mainly of ministers of Indian origin.


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