Electronic Library of Scientific Literature - © Academic Electronic Press


Vol. XIII / No 1 / 2004

3 Úvodné slovo

9 Eduard Kukan

Rok 2004 – rok výziev a šancí
Year 2004 – A Year of Challenges and Chances

26 Miroslav Mojžita

Formovanie slovenskej diplomacie v rokoch 1990 – 1992
Shaping of the Slovak Diplomacy in the period of 1990 –1992


53 Ingrid Brocková

Hospodárska diplomacia SR v rokoch 1993 – 2003
Economic Diplomacy of the Slovak Republic in 1993 – 2003

84 Peter Weiss

Národná rada Slovenskej republiky a politické strany v tvorbe zahraničnej politiky SR po nadobudnutí jej nezávislej štátnosti
The National Council of the Slovak Republic and Political Parties in the Process
of Slovakia’s Foreign Policy Creation after Gaining its Independence

92 Urban Rusnák

Miesto a možnosti malých štátov v systéme medzinárodných vzťahov
The Place and Choices of Small States in the System of International Relations


103 Alexander Duleba

Medzinárodné prostredie Slovenskej republiky v roku 2010
International Environment of the Slovak Republic in 2010

118 Jiří Pehe – Pavol Lukáč

Náš hlavní problém: demokratizace myslí
Our Main Problem: Democratization of Minds


125 Štefan Šebesta

Svetoslav Bombík

129 Svetoslav Bombík: Návrat k civilizácii

137 Akú chcú Slováci Európu?

140 NATO! Ale aké!


143 Peter Juza: Lopatkinov, Viktor: Piedestál: doba a služba kancelára Gorčakova

146 Judit Hamberger – Markuš, Štefan: Maďari pod lupou

150 BIBLIOGRAFIA za rok 2003

Rok 2004 – rok výziev a šancí

Year 2004 - A Year of Chances and Challenges

Eduard Kukan

The article based on the speech of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic (MFA SR) E. Kukan addressed within the program of Modern Foreign Policy of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association evaluates Slovakia’s foreign policy in 2003 as well as mentions the challenges Slovakia will have to face in 2004.
Article begins with short but terse statement. The year 2003 was, as far as the foreign policy issues are concerned, successful. Slovakia ratified accession documents to both, the EU and NATO. Mr. Kukan points out the fact, that Slovakia has to make the best of the effort being rendered when it gains the full membership status in both organisations.
The evaluation starts with the EU agenda. The highlight of 2003 was signing the Accession Treaty on April 16, 2003 in Athens. Since than Slovakia has been fully involved in the EU activities at all levels. After the process of ratification is finished in all current member and candidate countries, the ambitions of Slovakia to become a part of the alignment of the countries with the highest economy and social levels in the world will be completed. The smooth transition into the active membership is considered the main task for the Slovak foreign policy in 2004. Not only our pace in elimination of the shortcomings mentioned in the EC Regular Report should be appropriate but also the extent of our internal co-ordination must be better. There has been done a lot in this field within the co-operation of the MFA SR with other departments, but there is still left so much to be finished, especially an efficient contact with the parliament.
Mr. Kukan makes also a few comments on the European Constitution proposal, Convent as well as Interministerial Conference. He points out that the unsuccessful process of EU Constitution ratification should be seen as a possibility to improve already achieved. Mr. Kukan appreciates the Presidency of Ireland in this historic moment of the EU. He considers Ireland an inspiration for the Slovak Republic as far as the development in the country since its accession is concerned.
Within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and Defense and Security Policy, the author pinpoints one important fact. The negotiations on mechanisms of co-operation, known as Berlin Plus enabling the use of planning and other NATO capacities for operations lead by the EU, between NATO and the EU were concluded in 2003. Even though the Slovak Republic has not been involved, it declared its support for strengthening the complementarity in relations NATO – EU and preventing duplicity between both organisations.
NATO has been undergoing similar transition as the EU. Geopolitical changes call for the new instruments of defense and security. After the NATO Prague Summit held in November 2002, a qualitative change in Slovakia’s preparation for the membership has been observed. The reform time table was a part of the official letter representing the readiness of the Slovak Republic to become a NATO member. On March 26, 2003 the NATO member states signed the Protocol on NATO Accession. Since then Slovakia has participated at work in every Committee and bodies of the Alliance.
Besides the foreign policy priorities Slovakia has advocated and will advocate its concerns in wider multilateral relations. The Minister assesses the Slovakia’s activities in the UN in the fields of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons as well as weapons of mass destruction, co-operation with the UN specialised agencies on issues regarding refugees, migration, as well as asylum policy. He also points out participation of Slovakia in bodies of the OECD and WTO and Council of Europe. One of the biggest assets of the Slovak foreign policy in 2003 was establishment of mechanisms of the official development assistance and the concept of humanitarian aid.
In the field of Slovakia’s bilateral relations author examines development of relations with immediate neighbours (especially co-operation of the V4 countries) mentioning the issue of the Law on Hungarians Living in the Neighbouring Countries which represents one of the biggest issue in the context of Slovakia’s bilateral agenda. Mr. Kukan then stresses the important role of relations with the USA, United Kingdom, France, Italy, Spain and other western European countries.
As author claims at the end of his contribution one of preconditions of successful Slovak foreign policy is determination of its appropriate instruments and objectives in terms of the concrete foreign policy intention.

Formovanie slovenskej diplomacie v rokoch 1990 – 1992

Shaping of the Slovak Diplomacy in the period of 1990 –1992

Miroslav Mojžita

The editorial board of the International Issues journal decided to add (approved by author) selected parts of the first chapter of the Miroslav Mojžita’s book, prepared for publishing by the Institute for Political Sciences of the Slovak Academy of Sciences to the current issue dedicated to the foreign policy of the Slovak Republic.
At the beginning author reviews the circumstances and conditions of the new state diplomacy forming in general. Furthermore author deals with the place of the international issues of the national states in discussions on new constitutional organization of the CSFR. In the following selected parts he summarises and evaluates first activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic, its own gradual operational specialisation and personal management, relations with the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as with the then forming partner institution of the Czech Republic (Governmental Committee and Ministry of Foreign Affairs).
In Chapter I author characterizes as well as evaluates the role of the leading authorities of the then Ministry of Foreign Affairs – Milan Kòažko and Pavol Demeš. Author proves that besides the international issues praxis they, together with their co-workers dedicated the attention to the theory development, forming an expert community as well as informing of the public. Founding of the journal International Issues, the Slovak Institute for International Studies as well as activities of its first director Svetoslav Bombík and his colleagues are considered a great contribution. According to the author, it was this approach which facilitated interconnection of the conceptual orientation with the concrete steps in interior as well as international environment, e.g. foreign visits of the Slovak representatives (Poland, Hungary, Ukraine, Serbia, Romania, Bavaria, northern Italy) as well as delegations within the CSFR (USA, European Community).
As for problem crucially influencing the international activities of the Slovak Republic forming author puts special attention to the discourse on national interests in international issues, to international aspects of the armament industry conversion and to the discussion with foreign partners on political processes on the level of the national republics as well as the federation.
At the end author examines the situation after the parliamentary election held in June 1992 and some of the first steps taken towards ensuring the international position and further activities of the Slovak Republic and the Czech Republic after the dissolution.

Hospodárska diplomacia SR v rokoch 1993 – 2003

Economic Diplomacy of the Slovak Republic in 1993 – 2003

Ingrid Brocková

Slovakia has a highly open economy, meaning that its economy is strongly affected by global economic developments and globalisation. These processes very much shape Slovakia’s foreign economic policy. For these reasons the most important goal of the economic diplomacy is a capacity to identify the main trends in global economic development and apply them to domestic economic policy. Economic diplomacy thus accelerates the adaptation of the Slovak economy (by promoting desirable structural changes, encouraging the inflow of foreign investments and technologies, supporting small and medium businesses, etc.) and at the same time helps Slovak companies to penetrate foreign markets.
Slovakia’s foreign economic policy has two dimensions. The first is the co-operation at the regional and global level with various economic blocs, group of states as for example the European Union, Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA), Custom Union; and international organizations such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the World Bank, the International Monetary Union (IMF), specialised United Nations agencies, and others. The second dimension is Slovakia’s pro-export and pro-investment policy, i.e. the legislative and institutional framework to attract investment and best practices to Slovakia.
This article has an ambition to capture the major challenges of the Slovak economic diplomacy in the period of 1993 – 2003. The last two governments since 1998 have managed to restore the country’s political and macroeconomic stability. Based on this success, Slovakia is today a member state and has the vital dialogue with most prestigious international organizations as the OECD, EU, NATO, the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, World Trade Organisation, etc. Slovakia has become the front-runner in implementing major economic reforms, has taken measures to encourage foreign investment and launched robust privatisation process of the energy sector.
In respect of all achievements in the last six years, Slovakia faces still three major development agendas: first, completion of transformation agenda (public expenditures management); second, achievement of real convergence with the economic environment in the EU member states to be able to benefit fully from the EU membership, and the third one is building the capacity to provide the development assistance.

Národná rada Slovenskej republiky a politické strany v tvorbe zahraniČnej politiky SR po nadobudnutí jej nezávislej štátnosti

The National Council of the Slovak Republic and Political Parties in the Process of Slovakia’s Foreign Policy Creation after Gaining its Independence

Peter Weiss

The EU and NATO accession pose an opportunity to consider the process of Slovakia’s foreign policy and diplomacy shaping during the last decade. Independent Slovak foreign policy should be evaluated seriously, with self-reflection, critically and distance because it is at the beginning although the different one as in 1993 for the world and our chance in it is changed. Slovakia’s foreign policy will face the new and demanding challenges. Based on the parliament and political parties behaviour author points out that the achievements of the Slovak diplomacy do not necessarily depend only on capabilities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic as well as Slovak diplomacy and its representatives in certain countries. The professional diplomacy is strengthened or limited respectively by the quality of parliament work, the level of foreign policy discourse and the dialogue between the parliament and government as well as by completing its control task. In the article there are examples of positive and negative influences of the Slovak parliament on foreign policy and creating a foreign policy consensus. The capabilities and behaviour of the political parties in foreign policy field are also mentioned in the article. Author, using the concrete Slovak experience, proves an extraordinary important standardization of the political parties, their interconnections to the accepted European political parties and building of strong expert background including the discussions with experts from academic sphere and non-governmental organizations.

Miesto a možnosti malých štátov v systéme medzinárodných vzťahov

The Place and Choices of Small States in the System of International Relations

Urban Rusnák

The politics of small states in the system of international relations have an academic and practical dimension. On one hand, the international politics are under the dominance of big states, or more precisely of the superpower USA. On the other hand, the world faces many problems related to small and medium states. Small states originated differently. In Europe, most small countries rose from division of multinational states according to respective ethnic groups.
In presence, there isn’t a precise definition of a small state. There are some traditional absolute criteria like a size, population, and gross domestic product of the country. Often relative criteria like the ability of self-defense or the economic strength are used as well. Small states can be found everywhere. An actual size of the state doesn’t relate with its influence or significance. A state can be strong, successful and in some regions even influential. An example is Singapore. On the other hand, many small countries are in the stage of development. The most widely used criteria for sorting of states according to their size is population. At present, the common limit for the population of a small state is 5 million inhabitants. The process of globalization has a double effect on small states. The countries are more open in terms of economy because their potential for an autarchy economy is limited. However, the opening of economy includes a risk factor, which puts country’s development beyond a direct control of the state. As a result, small states depend on larger countries and are interested in regulation of mutual relations within the international law system. For same reasons, they welcome creation of international organizations.
Small states share a common element, the choice of a political strategy. For big countries, the right choice for a strategy is an important question. Meanwhile, for small states, the choice can affect their survival. Some basic models of long-term strategies of small states are:
1. Effort for neutrality and distancing from neighbors and superpowers
2. Effort for co-operation and alliance in a sub-region
3. Strategic relations with a relevant superpower
4. Multilateral arrangement in a larger region
History proved that countries, which successfully fought for an independent policy, had to dispose something exceptional. A good example for effort for neutrality and distancing from neighbors and superpowers in Europe is Switzerland. The country massively invested to the system of national defense and was therefore able to run optimal relations with larger neighbors.
After World War II, effort for co-operation and alliance in a sub-region in Northern Europe was shown by the “alliance of the smalls”. In 1950’s, a Nordic Passport Union and a common labor market were created. Key questions of the national security weren’t included in the co-operation. Denmark, Island and Norway entered NATO, Sweden remained neutral, and Finland found a special “modus vivendi” with the USSR.
After World War II, Central European countries had strategic relations with a superpower, the USSR. They were firmly bound to their strategic partner. After the fall of the USSR, the Central Europeans didn’t have a clear perspective for the future. Their pro-European enthusiasm didn’t guarantee a necessary acceptance in the European Communities and NATO. The Western Europeans perceived Central Europe as a buffer zone.
In presence, the strategy to create multilateral arrangement in a larger region is widely used. Small states along with medium and big partners actively participate in international integration. The European Union is an example of most advance multilateral co-operation, which is performing several supranational competencies as well. Since its establishment, internal balance of power was a cornerstone of successful integration. Internal coalitions of willing within the EU do not follow division lines between the big and small states. At the beginning, consensus was an exclusive decision adopting mechanism. In later stages small states were over-represented in common institutions and internal balance was kept. This is a reason why in actual enlargement process and in drafting of the Constitutional Treaty the question of sustainable balances is so important. From a functional point of view proposal recommended by the European Convention in the draft of the Constitutional Treaty is more balanced then the compromise solution of the Treaty of Nice in which Poland and Spain did get higher weight then appropriate to their population.
In conclusion, there are some points relating to Slovakia in the context of the theme:
a. Slovakia doesn’t belong to small states according to the absolute criteria. In the EU, it will belong to the group of smaller medium countries along with Denmark, Finland, Ireland, and Latvia.
b. In the region of Central Europe, however, Slovakia is the smallest state. Therefore, it is regarded as a small state and must develop correct relations with neighbors.
c. The decision to join the EU and NATO was the best choice for Slovakia in line with the global trends. Within both institutions Slovakia will be over-represented and is vitally interested in smooth functioning of them.
d. The relative weight and influence of Slovakia is higher in organized system of international relations, which results in respect to the international law
e. In order to keep the success of Slovakia in the international context, the Slovak Republic must have transparent and stable politics within the framework common values shared by the community of the democratic states in the Euro-Atlantic area.

Medzinárodné prostredie Slovenskej republiky v roku 2010

International Environment of the Slovak Republic in 2010

Alexander Duleba

In 2010, foreign policy and security environment of the Slovak Republic will be determined by two main factors being in interaction: the subject of the international relations agenda and the behaviour of the key players.
The agenda of international relations, in broader sense, depends on the level of civilization development, character of economy development and political organization of society. In narrower sense, the content of international agenda consists of policies of the international relations key players which will influence the international agenda in European and Central European context and then also the international position as well as environment of the Slovak Republic in horizon of 2010. These players can be divided into 4 categories: International players, national players at global level, national players at European levels, national players at regional levels. Security, economy, political as well as value development and consequently the fundamental civilization development of the Slovak Republic and its foreign policy is dependent on the development and policy of the first, second and third category of key players. The fourth influences Slovak bilateral and regional foreign as well as security policy.
NATO in 2010
The shape, mission and the role of NATO in horizon of 2010 depends on following variable factors: a. enlargement process which could lead to the rebuilding of NATO to fundamental structure of European security consisting of more than 26 member states, inner periphery and outer periphery. The negative effect of enlargement could pose the decrease of cohesion and efficiency; b. building of European pillar of NATO within the framework of CSFP/ESDP or second pillar of the EU; c. the relations with Russia; d. US involvement in Europe. Obviously, the development of NATO will be determined by other factors as well but these are the main ones. Based on these factors, two marginal scenarios for the shape of NATO in 2010 exist: 1. Adapted NATO – which means that NATO will successfully adapt to the new conditions and will become the core of European security. 2. OSCE-ization of NATO: unsuccessful process of enlargement, growing economy and political rivalry between the EU and NATO, the development of the ESDP process within the EU from crisis management to collective defense without participation of the USA accompanied with involvement of Russia to the system of European defense, isolationistic tendencies in the USA – these are the factors being able to paralyze NATO in terms of its efficiency in the horizon of 2010.
European Union 2010
The Forward Studies Unit, European Commission prepared five possible futures Europe 2010. These Scenarios are characterised in a document:
1. Triumphant Markets
The first scenario will pose an increasing mismatch between the welfare-states and the demands of the economy. The European political debate will shift to liberalism and individualism, and replacement of the political class. Reduction in unemployment benefits and labour legislation and creation of a two-tier job market will occur as well as reduction in public expenditure, privatization of social services and downsizing of the state. There will be good macroeconomic situation in Europe with rapid growth in small businesses and increasing openness to the international environment. The perception of the new threats will be weakened. The enlargement process will include the other states of the Central and Eastern Europe. Relations with the USA will be strengthened.
2. The Hundred Flowers
The economy will stagnate and thus the role of medium and small enterprises will be strengthened. The greater social and regional fragmentation will be seen. The functions of the states will be executed by associations and private organizations. Central and Eastern European countries will be unstable and international criminality will penetrate into this region. In Russia the role of the regions will be strengthened, the tensions in relations the with the EU will occur and the relations with the the US will be closer.
3. Shared Responsibilities
The EU will initiate a reform of public sector and 10 Central European countries will join EU. The institutional reform will be successfully completed. The unemployment will be reduced and far reaching reform of social policy will take place as well. The role of international organizations will be more significant. Russia’s relations with the EU will be closer and perhaps the free trade agreement will be signed.
4. Creative Societies
The unemployment rate will be higher, cuts in public spending and new austerity programmes will lead to massive public protest all over Europe. The participation of public in public and political life will be enhanced, the significance of non-governmental organizations will be higher. The US involvement in Europe will not be as significant and Russia will have its own problems with political and economy stability.
5. Turbulent Neighbourhoods
The increasing global political and economy instability and proliferation of small-scale conflicts will be observed. Also the growing public anxiety over the European insecurity, the US progressive detachment from European concerns, lack of coherent foreign and security policy etc. will be the determinants of Europe 2010 under this scenario.
The development in both, the EU and NATO, depends on number of issues. Therefore, the vision of future in horizon of 2010 of both should be for Slovakia’s foreign policy clear. To formulate such a vision and to pursue it from the position of the candidate country poses a challenge, Slovakia has never faced before. Nevertheless, the entry to both, the EU and NATO, does not pose the completion of all tasks for Slovakia’s foreign policy. It is just its beginning.

Náš hlavní problém: demokratizace myslí

Our Main Problem: Democratization of Minds

Jiří Pehe –  Pavol Lukáč

On 8 February 2004 Mosty, a Czecho-Slovak biweekly, interviewed Jiří Pehe, Director of New York University in Prague and Pavol Lukáč, the former Vice-Director of the Research Center of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association who died tragically just two days after the interview. In the interview both of them reflect the issues of democratization process in Central Europe. As Mr. Pehe claims, the democracy consists of two factors – the institutional establishment and involvement of the society in this process. It was easy to create mechanisms of democracy, but it is more difficult to change people who lived in a totalitarian state for forty years. Therefore it is necessary to build and further develop the civil society. Mr. Lukáč stresses the fact that the civil society has built its strong basis. On the other hand he misses democrats in the Slovak politics, the generation taking the democracy as something natural.
As stated in the interview, the process of democratization would be faster if there was elite being able to take the responsibility for it. Mr. Pehe points out that the problem of the Czech as well as Slovak society is that the elite does not exist. There are three reasons for that, as Mr. Pehe claims: the Czechs and Slovaks had been for centuries just satellites or province of the powers. Thus the elite was not able to learn how to govern, they are historically weak and they are built in the process as well as is democracy. Secondly, the period of 1969 – 1970, the normalization period, posed elimination and removal of liberals from the Communist party. Other problems are that the Czech Republic as well as the Slovak Republic are surrounded by democratic countries, the both are supported by the European Union to build democratic institutions but unfortunately the Union deals with this, from the point of view of Mr. Pehe, technocratically. According to Mr. Lukáč, it is typical sign of Europe: it always waits for impulses from the West. As he claims, even the Union does not posses the strict mechanisms preventing the EU from populist tendencies inside the EU. Slovakia’s accession into the EU will not bring the quality in the process of democracy building in Central Europe. Central Europe will have to be more active in democracy building than before when the policy of conditionallity existed and the rules were set by the Copenhagen criteria. The both pinpoint that the discussion on sensitive issues related to the history is of great importance for the quality of democracy.

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