Electronic Library of Scientific Literature - © Academic Electronic Press
Vol. XIII / No 1 / 2004
Úvodné slovo3
Rok 2004 – rok výziev a šancí
Year 2004 – A Year of Challenges and Chances
Formovanie slovenskej diplomacie v rokoch 1990 – 1992
Shaping of the Slovak Diplomacy in the period of 1990 –1992
ŠTÚDIE, ANALÝZY – STUDIES, ANALYSIS
Hospodárska diplomacia SR v rokoch 1993 – 2003
Economic Diplomacy of the Slovak Republic in 1993 – 2003
Národná rada Slovenskej republiky a politické strany v tvorbe zahraničnej politiky SR po nadobudnutí jej nezávislej štátnosti
The National Council of the Slovak Republic and Political Parties in the Process
of Slovakia’s Foreign Policy Creation after Gaining its Independence
Miesto a možnosti malých štátov v systéme medzinárodných vzťahov
The Place and Choices of Small States in the System of International Relations
ÚVAHY, ROZPRAVY, ROZHOVORY - REFLECTIONS, TRANSACTIONS, INTERVIEWS
Medzinárodné prostredie Slovenskej republiky v roku 2010
International Environment of the Slovak Republic in 2010
Náš hlavní problém: demokratizace myslí
Our Main Problem: Democratization of Minds
KONTAKTY – CONTACTS
125 Štefan Šebesta
Svetoslav Bombík
129 Svetoslav Bombík: Návrat k civilizácii
137 Akú chcú Slováci Európu?
140 NATO! Ale aké!
RECENZIE, SPRÁVY – REVIEWS, REPORTS
Lopatkinov, Viktor: Piedestál: doba a služba kancelára Gorčakova143 Peter Juza:
146 Judit Hamberger – Markuš, Štefan: Maďari pod lupou
150 BIBLIOGRAFIA za rok 2003
Year 2004 - A Year of Chances and Challenges
Eduard Kukan
The article based on the speech of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of
the Slovak Republic (MFA SR) E. Kukan addressed within the program of
Modern Foreign Policy of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association evaluates
Slovakia’s foreign policy in 2003 as well as mentions the challenges
Slovakia will have to face in 2004.
Article begins with short but terse statement. The year 2003 was, as far
as the foreign policy issues are concerned, successful. Slovakia
ratified accession documents to both, the EU and NATO. Mr. Kukan points
out the fact, that Slovakia has to make the best of the effort being
rendered when it gains the full membership status in both organisations.
The evaluation starts with the EU agenda. The highlight of 2003 was
signing the Accession Treaty on April 16, 2003 in Athens. Since than
Slovakia has been fully involved in the EU activities at all levels.
After the process of ratification is finished in all current member and
candidate countries, the ambitions of Slovakia to become a part of
the alignment of the countries with the highest economy and social
levels in the world will be completed. The smooth transition into the
active membership is considered the main task for the Slovak foreign
policy in 2004. Not only our pace in elimination of the shortcomings
mentioned in the EC Regular Report should be appropriate but also the
extent of our internal co-ordination must be better. There has been done
a lot in this field within the co-operation of the MFA SR with
other departments, but there is still left so much to be finished,
especially an efficient contact with the parliament.
Mr. Kukan makes also a few comments on the European Constitution
proposal, Convent as well as Interministerial Conference. He points out
that the unsuccessful process of EU Constitution ratification should be
seen as a possibility to improve already achieved. Mr. Kukan
appreciates the Presidency of Ireland in this historic moment of the EU.
He considers Ireland an inspiration for the Slovak Republic as far as
the development in the country since its accession is concerned.
Within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and
Defense and Security Policy, the author pinpoints one important fact.
The negotiations on mechanisms of co-operation, known as Berlin Plus
enabling the use of planning and other NATO capacities for operations
lead by the EU, between NATO and the EU were concluded in 2003. Even
though the Slovak Republic has not been involved, it declared its
support for strengthening the complementarity in relations NATO – EU
and preventing duplicity between both organisations.
NATO has been undergoing similar transition as the EU. Geopolitical
changes call for the new instruments of defense and security. After the
NATO Prague Summit held in November 2002, a qualitative change in
Slovakia’s preparation for the membership has been observed. The
reform time table was a part of the official letter representing the
readiness of the Slovak Republic to become a NATO member. On March 26,
2003 the NATO member states signed the Protocol on NATO Accession. Since
then Slovakia has participated at work in every Committee and bodies of
the Alliance.
Besides the foreign policy priorities Slovakia has advocated and will
advocate its concerns in wider multilateral relations. The Minister
assesses the Slovakia’s activities in the UN in the fields of
non-proliferation of nuclear weapons as well as weapons of mass
destruction, co-operation with the UN specialised agencies on issues
regarding refugees, migration, as well as asylum policy. He also points
out participation of Slovakia in bodies of the OECD and WTO and Council
of Europe. One of the biggest assets of the Slovak foreign policy in
2003 was establishment of mechanisms of the official development
assistance and the concept of humanitarian aid.
In the field of Slovakia’s bilateral relations author examines
development of relations with immediate neighbours (especially
co-operation of the V4 countries) mentioning the issue of the Law on
Hungarians Living in the Neighbouring Countries which represents one of
the biggest issue in the context of Slovakia’s bilateral agenda. Mr.
Kukan then stresses the important role of relations with the USA, United
Kingdom, France, Italy, Spain and other western European countries.
As author claims at the end of his contribution one of preconditions of
successful Slovak foreign policy is determination of its appropriate
instruments and objectives in terms of the concrete foreign policy
intention.
Shaping of the Slovak Diplomacy in the period of 1990 –1992
Miroslav Mojžita
The editorial board of the International Issues journal decided to
add (approved by author) selected parts of the first chapter of the
Miroslav Mojžita’s book, prepared for publishing by the Institute for
Political Sciences of the Slovak Academy of Sciences to the current
issue dedicated to the foreign policy of the Slovak Republic.
At the beginning author reviews the circumstances and conditions of the
new state diplomacy forming in general. Furthermore author deals with
the place of the international issues of the national states in
discussions on new constitutional organization of the CSFR. In the
following selected parts he summarises and evaluates first activities of
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic, its own gradual
operational specialisation and personal management, relations with the
Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as with the then forming
partner institution of the Czech Republic (Governmental Committee and
Ministry of Foreign Affairs).
In Chapter I author characterizes as well as evaluates the role of
the leading authorities of the then Ministry of Foreign Affairs –
Milan Kòažko and Pavol Demeš. Author proves that besides the
international issues praxis they, together with their co-workers
dedicated the attention to the theory development, forming an expert
community as well as informing of the public. Founding of the journal
International Issues, the Slovak Institute for International Studies as
well as activities of its first director Svetoslav Bombík and his
colleagues are considered a great contribution. According to the
author, it was this approach which facilitated interconnection of the
conceptual orientation with the concrete steps in interior as well as
international environment, e.g. foreign visits of the Slovak
representatives (Poland, Hungary, Ukraine, Serbia, Romania, Bavaria,
northern Italy) as well as delegations within the CSFR (USA, European
Community).
As for problem crucially influencing the international activities of the
Slovak Republic forming author puts special attention to the discourse
on national interests in international issues, to international aspects
of the armament industry conversion and to the discussion with foreign
partners on political processes on the level of the national republics
as well as the federation.
At the end author examines the situation after the parliamentary
election held in June 1992 and some of the first steps taken towards
ensuring the international position and further activities of the Slovak
Republic and the Czech Republic after the dissolution.
Economic Diplomacy of the Slovak Republic in 1993 – 2003
Ingrid Brocková
Slovakia has a highly open economy, meaning that its economy is
strongly affected by global economic developments and globalisation.
These processes very much shape Slovakia’s foreign economic policy.
For these reasons the most important goal of the economic diplomacy is a
capacity to identify the main trends in global economic development and
apply them to domestic economic policy. Economic diplomacy thus
accelerates the adaptation of the Slovak economy (by promoting desirable
structural changes, encouraging the inflow of foreign investments and
technologies, supporting small and medium businesses, etc.) and at the
same time helps Slovak companies to penetrate foreign markets.
Slovakia’s foreign economic policy has two dimensions. The first is
the co-operation at the regional and global level with various economic
blocs, group of states as for example the European Union, Central
European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA), Custom Union; and international
organizations such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD), the World Bank, the International Monetary Union (IMF),
specialised United Nations agencies, and others. The second dimension is
Slovakia’s pro-export and pro-investment policy, i.e. the legislative
and institutional framework to attract investment and best practices to
Slovakia.
This article has an ambition to capture the major challenges of the
Slovak economic diplomacy in the period of 1993 – 2003. The last two
governments since 1998 have managed to restore the country’s political
and macroeconomic stability. Based on this success, Slovakia is today a
member state and has the vital dialogue with most prestigious
international organizations as the OECD, EU, NATO, the World Bank,
International Monetary Fund, World Trade Organisation, etc. Slovakia has
become the front-runner in implementing major economic reforms, has
taken measures to encourage foreign investment and launched robust
privatisation process of the energy sector.
In respect of all achievements in the last six years, Slovakia faces
still three major development agendas: first, completion of
transformation agenda (public expenditures management); second,
achievement of real convergence with the economic environment in the EU
member states to be able to benefit fully from the EU membership, and
the third one is building the capacity to provide the development
assistance.
The National Council of the Slovak Republic and Political Parties in the Process of Slovakia’s Foreign Policy Creation after Gaining its Independence
Peter Weiss
The EU and NATO accession pose an opportunity to consider the process of Slovakia’s foreign policy and diplomacy shaping during the last decade. Independent Slovak foreign policy should be evaluated seriously, with self-reflection, critically and distance because it is at the beginning although the different one as in 1993 for the world and our chance in it is changed. Slovakia’s foreign policy will face the new and demanding challenges. Based on the parliament and political parties behaviour author points out that the achievements of the Slovak diplomacy do not necessarily depend only on capabilities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic as well as Slovak diplomacy and its representatives in certain countries. The professional diplomacy is strengthened or limited respectively by the quality of parliament work, the level of foreign policy discourse and the dialogue between the parliament and government as well as by completing its control task. In the article there are examples of positive and negative influences of the Slovak parliament on foreign policy and creating a foreign policy consensus. The capabilities and behaviour of the political parties in foreign policy field are also mentioned in the article. Author, using the concrete Slovak experience, proves an extraordinary important standardization of the political parties, their interconnections to the accepted European political parties and building of strong expert background including the discussions with experts from academic sphere and non-governmental organizations.
The Place and Choices of Small States in the System of International Relations
Urban Rusnák
The politics of small states in the system of international relations
have an academic and practical dimension. On one hand, the international
politics are under the dominance of big states, or more precisely of the
superpower USA. On the other hand, the world faces many problems related
to small and medium states. Small states originated differently. In
Europe, most small countries rose from division of multinational states
according to respective ethnic groups.
In presence, there isn’t a precise definition of a small
state. There are some traditional absolute criteria like a size,
population, and gross domestic product of the country. Often relative
criteria like the ability of self-defense or the economic strength are
used as well. Small states can be found everywhere. An actual size of
the state doesn’t relate with its influence or significance. A state
can be strong, successful and in some regions even influential. An
example is Singapore. On the other hand, many small countries are in the
stage of development. The most widely used criteria for sorting of
states according to their size is population. At present, the common
limit for the population of a small state is 5 million inhabitants.
The process of globalization has a double effect on small states.
The countries are more open in terms of economy because their potential
for an autarchy economy is limited. However, the opening of economy
includes a risk factor, which puts country’s development beyond a
direct control of the state. As a result, small states depend on
larger countries and are interested in regulation of mutual relations
within the international law system. For same reasons, they welcome
creation of international organizations.
Small states share a common element, the choice of a political
strategy. For big countries, the right choice for a strategy is an
important question. Meanwhile, for small states, the choice can affect
their survival. Some basic models of long-term strategies of small
states are:
1. Effort for neutrality and distancing from neighbors and superpowers
2. Effort for co-operation and alliance in a sub-region
3. Strategic relations with a relevant superpower
4. Multilateral arrangement in a larger region
History proved that countries, which successfully fought for an
independent policy, had to dispose something exceptional. A good
example for effort for neutrality and distancing from neighbors and
superpowers in Europe is Switzerland. The country massively invested to
the system of national defense and was therefore able to run optimal
relations with larger neighbors.
After World War II, effort for co-operation and alliance in a sub-region
in Northern Europe was shown by the “alliance of the smalls”. In
1950’s, a Nordic Passport Union and a common labor market
were created. Key questions of the national security weren’t included
in the co-operation. Denmark, Island and Norway entered NATO, Sweden
remained neutral, and Finland found a special “modus vivendi”
with the USSR.
After World War II, Central European countries had strategic relations
with a superpower, the USSR. They were firmly bound to their
strategic partner. After the fall of the USSR, the Central Europeans
didn’t have a clear perspective for the future. Their
pro-European enthusiasm didn’t guarantee a necessary acceptance
in the European Communities and NATO. The Western Europeans perceived
Central Europe as a buffer zone.
In presence, the strategy to create multilateral arrangement in a larger
region is widely used. Small states along with medium and big partners
actively participate in international integration. The European Union is
an example of most advance multilateral co-operation, which is
performing several supranational competencies as well. Since its
establishment, internal balance of power was a cornerstone of
successful integration. Internal coalitions of willing within the EU do
not follow division lines between the big and small states. At the
beginning, consensus was an exclusive decision adopting mechanism. In
later stages small states were over-represented in common institutions
and internal balance was kept. This is a reason why in actual
enlargement process and in drafting of the Constitutional Treaty the
question of sustainable balances is so important. From a functional
point of view proposal recommended by the European Convention in the
draft of the Constitutional Treaty is more balanced then the compromise
solution of the Treaty of Nice in which Poland and Spain did get higher
weight then appropriate to their population.
In conclusion, there are some points relating to Slovakia in the context
of the theme:
a. Slovakia doesn’t belong to small states according to the absolute
criteria. In the EU, it will belong to the group of smaller medium
countries along with Denmark, Finland, Ireland, and Latvia.
b. In the region of Central Europe, however, Slovakia is the smallest
state. Therefore, it is regarded as a small state and must develop
correct relations with neighbors.
c. The decision to join the EU and NATO was the best choice for Slovakia
in line with the global trends. Within both institutions Slovakia will
be over-represented and is vitally interested in smooth functioning of
them.
d. The relative weight and influence of Slovakia is higher in organized
system of international relations, which results in respect to the
international law
e. In order to keep the success of Slovakia in the international context,
the Slovak Republic must have transparent and stable politics within the
framework common values shared by the community of the democratic states
in the Euro-Atlantic area.
International Environment of the Slovak Republic in 2010
Alexander Duleba
In 2010, foreign policy and security environment of the Slovak
Republic will be determined by two main factors being in interaction:
the subject of the international relations agenda and the behaviour of
the key players.
The agenda of international relations, in broader sense, depends on the
level of civilization development, character of economy development and
political organization of society. In narrower sense, the content of
international agenda consists of policies of the international relations
key players which will influence the international agenda in European
and Central European context and then also the international position as
well as environment of the Slovak Republic in horizon of 2010. These
players can be divided into 4 categories: International players,
national players at global level, national players at European levels,
national players at regional levels. Security, economy, political as
well as value development and consequently the fundamental civilization
development of the Slovak Republic and its foreign policy is dependent
on the development and policy of the first, second and third category of
key players. The fourth influences Slovak bilateral and regional foreign
as well as security policy.
NATO in 2010
The shape, mission and the role of NATO in horizon of 2010 depends on
following variable factors: a. enlargement process which could lead to
the rebuilding of NATO to fundamental structure of European security
consisting of more than 26 member states, inner periphery and outer
periphery. The negative effect of enlargement could pose the decrease of
cohesion and efficiency; b. building of European pillar of NATO within
the framework of CSFP/ESDP or second pillar of the EU; c. the relations
with Russia; d. US involvement in Europe. Obviously, the development of
NATO will be determined by other factors as well but these are the main
ones. Based on these factors, two marginal scenarios for the shape of
NATO in 2010 exist: 1. Adapted NATO – which means that NATO will
successfully adapt to the new conditions and will become the core of
European security. 2. OSCE-ization of NATO: unsuccessful process of
enlargement, growing economy and political rivalry between the EU and
NATO, the development of the ESDP process within the EU from crisis
management to collective defense without participation of the USA
accompanied with involvement of Russia to the system of European defense,
isolationistic tendencies in the USA – these are the factors being
able to paralyze NATO in terms of its efficiency in the horizon of 2010.
European Union 2010
The Forward Studies Unit, European Commission prepared five possible
futures Europe 2010. These Scenarios are characterised in a document:
1. Triumphant Markets
The first scenario will pose an increasing mismatch between the
welfare-states and the demands of the economy. The European political
debate will shift to liberalism and individualism, and replacement of
the political class. Reduction in unemployment benefits and labour
legislation and creation of a two-tier job market will occur as
well as reduction in public expenditure, privatization of social
services and downsizing of the state. There will be good macroeconomic
situation in Europe with rapid growth in small businesses and increasing
openness to the international environment. The perception of the new
threats will be weakened. The enlargement process will include the other
states of the Central and Eastern Europe. Relations with the USA will be
strengthened.
2. The Hundred Flowers
The economy will stagnate and thus the role of medium and small
enterprises will be strengthened. The greater social and regional
fragmentation will be seen. The functions of the states will be executed
by associations and private organizations. Central and Eastern European
countries will be unstable and international criminality will penetrate
into this region. In Russia the role of the regions will be strengthened,
the tensions in relations the with the EU will occur and the relations
with the the US will be closer.
3. Shared Responsibilities
The EU will initiate a reform of public sector and 10 Central European
countries will join EU. The institutional reform will be successfully
completed. The unemployment will be reduced and far reaching reform of
social policy will take place as well. The role of international
organizations will be more significant. Russia’s relations with the EU
will be closer and perhaps the free trade agreement will be signed.
4. Creative Societies
The unemployment rate will be higher, cuts in public spending and new
austerity programmes will lead to massive public protest all over Europe.
The participation of public in public and political life will be
enhanced, the significance of non-governmental organizations will be
higher. The US involvement in Europe will not be as significant and
Russia will have its own problems with political and economy stability.
5. Turbulent Neighbourhoods
The increasing global political and economy instability and
proliferation of small-scale conflicts will be observed. Also the
growing public anxiety over the European insecurity, the US progressive
detachment from European concerns, lack of coherent foreign and security
policy etc. will be the determinants of Europe 2010 under this scenario.
The development in both, the EU and NATO, depends on number of issues.
Therefore, the vision of future in horizon of 2010 of both should be for
Slovakia’s foreign policy clear. To formulate such a vision and
to pursue it from the position of the candidate country poses a
challenge, Slovakia has never faced before. Nevertheless, the entry to
both, the EU and NATO, does not pose the completion of all tasks for
Slovakia’s foreign policy. It is just its beginning.
Our Main Problem: Democratization of Minds
Jiří Pehe – Pavol Lukáč
On 8 February 2004 Mosty, a Czecho-Slovak biweekly, interviewed Jiří
Pehe, Director of New York University in Prague and Pavol Lukáč, the
former Vice-Director of the Research Center of the Slovak Foreign Policy
Association who died tragically just two days after the interview. In
the interview both of them reflect the issues of democratization process
in Central Europe. As Mr. Pehe claims, the democracy consists of two
factors – the institutional establishment and involvement of the
society in this process. It was easy to create mechanisms of democracy,
but it is more difficult to change people who lived in a totalitarian
state for forty years. Therefore it is necessary to build and further
develop the civil society. Mr. Lukáč stresses the fact that the civil
society has built its strong basis. On the other hand he misses
democrats in the Slovak politics, the generation taking the democracy as
something natural.
As stated in the interview, the process of democratization would be
faster if there was elite being able to take the responsibility for it.
Mr. Pehe points out that the problem of the Czech as well as Slovak
society is that the elite does not exist. There are three reasons for
that, as Mr. Pehe claims: the Czechs and Slovaks had been for centuries
just satellites or province of the powers. Thus the elite was not able
to learn how to govern, they are historically weak and they are built in
the process as well as is democracy. Secondly, the period of 1969 –
1970, the normalization period, posed elimination and removal of
liberals from the Communist party. Other problems are that the Czech
Republic as well as the Slovak Republic are surrounded by democratic
countries, the both are supported by the European Union to build
democratic institutions but unfortunately the Union deals with this,
from the point of view of Mr. Pehe, technocratically. According to Mr.
Lukáč, it is typical sign of Europe: it always waits for impulses from
the West. As he claims, even the Union does not posses the strict
mechanisms preventing the EU from populist tendencies inside the EU.
Slovakia’s accession into the EU will not bring the quality in the
process of democracy building in Central Europe. Central Europe will
have to be more active in democracy building than before when the policy
of conditionallity existed and the rules were set by the Copenhagen
criteria. The both pinpoint that the discussion on sensitive issues
related to the history is of great importance for the quality of
democracy.
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