Electronic Library of Scientific Literature - © Academic Electronic Press


Vol. X / No 2 / 2001


3 Daneš Brzica

Nové riziká pre transformujúce sa krajiny a mäkká bezpečnosť


6 Miroslav Nožina

Globální zločin v malých zemích – případ České republiky
Global Crime in Little States – the Czech Republic Case

29 Květoň Holcr – Robert Chalka

Prognóza vývoja kriminálnej scény Slovenskej republiky
Prognosis of the Crime Scene Development in the Slovak Republic

54 András Kováts

Medzinárodné hodnotenie migrácie Rómov z Maďarska
The International Evaluation of the Romany Migration from Hungary

69 Roman Goga

Nadnárodný organizovaný zločin a korupcia – nebezpečenstvá ohrozujúce demokratickú spoločnosť
The Transnational Organized Crime and Corruption – Risks Threatening the Democratic Society


85 Friis Arne Petersen

Enhancing European Security: NATO’s and EU’s Enlargement Processes
Rozširovanie Severoatlantickej aliancie a Európskej únie v zmysle zvyšovania európskej bezpečnosti

95 Radomír Boháč

Slovenská republika a otázka ďalšieho rozširovania NATO
Slovak Republic and NATO’s Second Wave of Enlargement

108 Kateřina Janků

Emigrace z České republiky do Kanady v období uvolnění vízové povinnosti od 1. dubna 1996 do 7. října 1997 a její institucionální dopady
Emigration from the Czech Republic to Canada in the Period of Liberalisation of the Visa Obligation from the 1st April 1996 till the 7th October 1997 and its Institutional Impacts

122 Alena Kotvanová, Attila Szép

Migrácia Rómov ako téma verejnej a politickej diskusie
The Migration of the Representatives of Romany Minority as a Topic of Public and Political Discussion in Slovakia

134 Valentina Petrus

Asylum Procedures in Selected European Countries
Azylové procedúry v niektorých krajinách Európskej únie

151 Richard Vojna

Bielkovina Straší Európu
ovine Spongiform Encephalopathy


163 Peter Juza

Leonid Levitin: Uzbekistan pred historickou zmenou. Kritické poznámky priaznivca prezidenta Islama Karimova

167 Urban Rusnák

Multietnický štát alebo etnická homogenita – prípad juhovýchodnej Európy

Daneš Brzica

Nové riziká pre transformujúce sa krajiny a mäkká bezpečnosť

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Miroslav Nožina: Global Crime in Little States – the Czech Republic Case

The tumultuous changes in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when a number of countries of the former socialist bloc set out on the road of democracy and market economy, do not usher in solely positive phenomena such as progress, freedom or a reduction of military-political threats to global security. The liberalization of society, the ongoing economic and social transformation in post-communist countries – all this creates a suitable environment for the spreading of social pathological features such as terrorism, extremism, violence, illegal migration, trade in human beings, prostitution, economic crime, the abuse of drugs… A step into the democratic world was for our country also a step into the world of international crime, which today operates on global dimensions.

All post-communist Central European countries – i.e. the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary, experienced a dramatic increase of crime at the beginning of the 90’s – though only by the ”local standards”. This is because during the communist regime the crime rates were very low and far below the levels of crime in Western countries. According to criminal statistics – the total number of criminal delicts in the Czech Republic (CZR) is actually not too much higher than in countries like Sweden which has the same sized population and a reputation for law-abiding citizens. The rise in the Czech Republic is spectacular, however, when compared with the low level of criminality before 1989. Far more dangerous is the emergence of organized crime networks which has reached alarming proportions by the end of the 90’s. It has several reasons:

– some criminological studies suggest that organized crime (OC) did not exist in the CZR before 1989. This is far from true. Criminal groups at various levels of organization successfully developed their activities in the former Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Their members were engaged in a wide spectrum of economic criminal activities including import of consumer goods, illegal money exchange, illegal export of articrafts, etc. This type of crime could not be successfully performed without contacts, as well as the support of some police and state administrative. Corruption networks, willing to work for anybody who possessed a sufficient amount of money, were established. These people have been co-operating after the Velvet Revolution, often willing to cross legal lines;

– the fundamental social, political and economic transformation after 1989 brought new changes into world of crime: the privatization allowed many shadow businessmen, corrupt communist officials, smugglers or black market currency dealers to legalize their money and enter the legal sphere, leaving the criminal business in the hands of lower level criminal delinquents; on the other hand, the CZR represented a territory with permissive laws, unprotected frontiers, an advantageous geographic in close vicinity of the European Union, with a police force inexperienced in the investigation of OC. There was virtually no competition among criminal groups and it was easy to find a sufficient amounts of people eager to make easy money. As a result of this situation, the CZR represented a very attractive territory for transnational OC. Currently, there are approximately 100 organized criminal groups operating in the CZR. 1/3-1/2 of them are of foreign origin. The Czech Republic has attracted criminal delinquents from the former Soviet Union, the Balkans, Israel, Italy, Latin America, the Arab countries, Sub-Saharan Africa and Eastern Asia.

Post-Soviet OC (ROC) invaded the CZR with full force immediately after 1990. The small, more or less independent ”Russian” criminal groups have been operating parallel with envoys of strong post-Soviet criminal syndicates equipped with unlimited financial resources and excellent professional knowledge. Together with violence acts, ROC practice highly sophisticated methods of financial fraud and penetration into business, financial and administrative structures. Activities of the Solntzevo, Solomonskia, Rostovskaia, Taganskaia, Mazurskaia, Podolskaia and Luganskaia mafias have also been enregistered in the CZR. Together with the Chechen gangs (Azdamov group), Azerbaidjan, Dagestan, Georgian and Armenian organizations from the Caucasus they attacked Czech territory starting gang wars with competitive post-Soviet and Balkan organizations for zones of influence. They are able to co-operate flexibly with other groups in criminal business. Co-operation of the Czech ROC sections with partner sections in the C.I.S., nearly all of Europe and the USA are frequent.

Camorra from Naples is the most influential criminal organization from Italy in the CZR. Its members have been penetrating Czech territory since 1990, mainly from bases in Germany and Austria. The Camorra branches in Prague belong to the Liccardi and Giuliano clans. What is typical, the Prague branch of the Liccardi clan has close contacts with branches in Germany, Portugal and Slovakia. The Czech security forces discovered activities of the several clans of Cosa Nostra – mainly Spandaro and Corallo – and Sicilian Mafia from Palermo.

The ”number one” among Balkan criminal groups are Albanians from Kosovo. They are active mainly in the drug transits across Czech territory via the famous Balkan Route and in the distribution of drugs on the Czech black market. Many of them show a tendency to establish themselves in the CZR permanently. Many goldsmith‘s shops and boutiques in the centre of Prague are owned by Albanians suspected of drug dealing. Turks, Bulgarians and citizens of the former Yugoslavia – Macedonians, Serbs and Croats – are active in the smuggling of people through the CZR. They exploit their good knowledge of the terrain and their long-time contacts with the Czech criminal underworld from the communist era.

According to intelligence reports from the Asian community, strong immigration waves from Asia to Central Europe are expected. This provides an excellent opportunity for Asian organized crime to escalate its activities in the CZR and across Europe. Several branches of the Chinese Triads from Beijing, Shanghai, Wenzhou, Quitiang and Fujian work in the CZR The Beijing tong ”Snakes’ Heads” is the most active among them. Asians are engaged in the street trade of textiles, electronics, cigarettes and foods, gradually moving from streets to supermarkets. Other frequent activities are people smuggling, racketeering, kidnapping, enforcement activities including contract killing, usury thefts, illegal gambling, trade with people, prostitution, counterfeit activities, trafficking in weapons and illegal transfers of money. The Triads have built a network of restaurants across CZR territory serving money laundering purposes.

African traffickers in drugs have been using East European routes since the 1990’s. The most active drug couriers are of Nigerian nationality – or Nigerian passport holders. Other nationalities include Ghanians, Gambians, Zairians, Soudanese, Tanzanians... Some groups are composed exclusively of former friends from studies in the East European countries. They are active in the smuggling of drugs, people, counterfeit passports, in the ”invitation letters” operations, when Czech businessmen are invited to African countries on the pretence of high profits and then robbed, etc.

The Arabs are engaged in marijuana and hashish smuggling from Northern Africa and the Near East – and in the last 2 to 3 years in the heroin trade as well. They are active in weapons trade, illegal migration and financial fraud. In 1995, the chief of an Arab gang specializing in financial fraud was seized. The gang had made more than 17 million US dollars in the course of its activity in the CZR.

What is considered to be very dangerous for the stability of Czech society, are attempts of some organized crime bosses to penetrate Czech political and economic life. The tendency to create a stable base is common to nearly all international criminal organizations in the CZR. Criminal bosses have a tendency to act as serious businessmen, to develop legal activities and contacts with the Czech elite. The number of casinos, restaurants and business companies owned by Russians, Kosovo Albanians, Chinese, Italians or with their participation is steadily growing in the CZR. A considerable amount of them has been acting as a respectable front for criminal activities. Especially in the last few years, the Czech police have registered ROC attempts at penetrating state control mechanisms. According to a Czech Ministry of Interior‘s confidential report, their goal is to gain control over the trade in strategic raw materials, banking and through mediation of investment companies, funds and contacts with the governmental sphere, to gain real power in the CZR.

Several big ”bosses” of the Kosovo Albanian drug organizations are coordinating their drug networks activities from Czech territory across all of Europe. Thanks to their good connections with the Czech underworld and the corrupt circles of the state administrative apparatus, the Kosovars are feeling relatively safe in the country.

The security and stability of the state when threatened also has secondary effects connected to the relations of the international OC with terrorist and political groupings. The Czech Arab underworld has contacts with some fundamentalist terrorist organizations such as the Algerian FIS and GIA. Increasing activity of their envoys was enregistered in connection with the start of Radio Free Europe‘s broadcast from the CZR to Iran and Iraq.

Two years ago, when a group of Kosovo Liberation Army emissars appeared in Prague to collect money for the financing of an insurgency in Kosovo, the criminal bosses were among the most open-handed contributors. Afterwards, the weapons for insurgency were bought somewhere in Switzerland as rumors go.

To date, in the sphere of legislative, the CZR has joined all important international agreements against crime. The Pre-accession pact on organized crime between the member states of the EU and the applicant countries of CEE – including the CZR – was signed in Brussels in May 19, 1998. New laws (money laundering (1996), illicit drug trafficking and drug abuse (1998), etc.), facilitating the fight against OC were issued in the CZR in the last few years. The law is fully compatible to European standards with exception of more liberal permanent residence permits and awkward asylum policy. New modifications are being prepared. They include visa renewal and elimination of illegal foreign workers on the CZR territory.

In the sphere of home affairs and justice, the legislative system of the CZR will be compatible with the EU norms around the year of 2001. Contacts with the European security structures (for example EUROPOL) have formally been established as well. So there is not the main obstacle.

The Czech government will be able to fulfil its obligations to the EU in the sphere of reconstruction of legal system. However it still lacks sufficient power which is able to implement effectively the legal system into practice. The problem is alarming especially face to face with the rising problem of organized crime.

What we are facing in the last years in the Central Europe is a virtual ”clash of cultures of crime” – and the newcomers are becoming easy winners. The transnational OC in the Czech Republic is in a position to ”buy” members of parliament, bribe government officials and thus secure impunity from investigation and prosecution, to create parallel economy of crime.

Effective law enforcement co-operation and judicial co-operation across national borders is developing very slowly because of many legislative and technical obstacles. It is a sad fact that progress in international security co--operation is still a question for the future in the situation, meanwhile OC is flexibly developing activities across national borders and political, ethnic and ideological lines.

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Květoň Holcr – Robert Chalka: Prognosis of the Crime Scene Development in the Slovak Republic

Along with the other central European countries, the Slovak Republic has seen an explosive increase in the crime rates after 1989 (in 1993 more than threefold in comparison with 1989) and also dramatic crime structure deterioration. Crime control has become one of important priorities of both formal and informal institutions and organizations and has compelled re-assessment of its strategy and related (especially preventive) programmes.

Overall approach to prevention, harmonically balanced with repression, is considered to be the crucial aspect of effective crime control, while preventive decisions and measures are based on crime development prognoses that have been regularly updated in 3-year cycles since 1994.

There have been elaborated prognoses of the most frequent or most socially dangerous criminal offences, their offenders and victims, as well as sets of relevant preventive (or repressive) recommendations for the subjects responsible for crime control.

Prognoses crime categories:

Prognosed development of the Slovak Republic crime scene is unsatisfactory. Total crime dynamics will oscillate around 90 up to 95 thousand criminal offences per year (crime index 1800 – 2000 criminal offences per 100 thousand people).

Crime structure deterioration will also continue. The most frequent type of crime will be property crime (65 – 70 % of total crime), violent crime rate will slightly increase (appr. 15 % of total crime) but it will be characteristic with increased brutality, cynism and its instrumental function will also incline (in connection with property and drug crime). Economic crime will be less frequent (6 – 8 %). However, it will have the biggest part in the overall damages (60 – 70 % of all damages caused by crime). Drug crime will be closely connected with violent and property crime (getting money for drugs), as well as economic crime (so called money laundering). Its rates will increase in the near future. Special crime (particularly political V.I.P.’s crime) will be unprecedentedly latent and its most frequent form will be criminalization of political opponents. Within the considered time horizon interventions of organized crime into all other crime categories, especially drug crime will be reinforced.

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András Kováts: The International Evaluation of the Romany Migration from Hungary

1. Background and the current situation

Since the second half of the ninety’s Romany people emigrate from countries of the Central and Eastern Europe into member states of the European Union, Canada and the USA with the view of settlement. Among the first countries, where Roma emigrated from, are the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. They leave in a large number also from Kosovo, but this situation differs from the above-mentioned situation because of regional ethnic cleansing and war conflicts.

The Romany population belongs to losers of the social-economic transformation of Central and Eastern European countries. They were, more then other social groups, affected with the deepening of poverty, aggravation of health and demographic indicators, displacement from the employment market and the educational system. The possibility of social integration is further aggravated by the discrimination from the side of the major population.

We cannot regard the fact that Roma expect from the emigration improving of their living conditions, independently from their social and economic situation and their discrimination. The acquirement of a refugee statute as a result of the unfavorable situation of Roma on the employment market is for many of them the only way to reside on the territory of the receiving country. The mass migration of Roma and their applications for political asylum evoke in particular countries social tensions, which have a direct impact on diplomatic relations. The Romany migration is also considered as a factor, which hinders integration efforts of candidate countries into the European Union.

Alike in other countries, Roma also emigrate from Hungary, namely to Canada. Although the emigration to Canada is a phenomenon existing for years, the interest of the domestic public opinion to solve the Romany problem is relatively little. The change in people’s way of thinking happened last year in July, when a Romany group from Zámoly applied for political asylum in Strasbourg. The fact that in March this year some of them were granted political asylums caused a big political commotion. The Hungarian government strongly challenged the justness of the Romany emigration and the justness of the granted political asylums. Romany interest organisations and the intellectual opposition, however, welcomed the decision of French authorities. We’ll see in next months, if the opinion is justified that a large number of Roma from Hungary will apply for political asylum in some of the EU member states and that these countries will pass political decisions to avoid Romany migration alike in the case of Roma from the Czech and Slovak Republic that applied for political asylum in Great Britain, Belgium and Finland.

2. The standpoint of international organisations to the Romany migration

Despite the fact that the migration of the Romany population influences the foreign, domestic and minority policy of Central and Eastern European countries already since the middle of ninety’s, official standpoints to this phenomenon are sporadic. In the foreign policy of states of origin are in general these two aspects emphasized: the initiation of the visa obligation in countries where Roma applied for political asylum and a possible delay in the integration process into the European Union as a consequence of the situation of Roma. Since the Zámoly case the public opinion in Hungary shows a growing interest in Romany migration. The public denounces Roma very often on a general and concrete level.

2. 1. The European Commission

The first document evaluating the situation of Hungarian Roma is Agenda 2000. The report doesn’t see bigger problems in connection with the minority situation and the exercising of minority rights. However it directs attention to some shortcomings.

The question of parliamentary representation of Hungarian minorities, including the Roma, is not solved. The document appeals to the report of the government from the year 1997 and claims that Roma are regularly victims of aggression and discrimination and that this situation will even get worse in next years.

Annual Reports issued by the European Commission observe the situation of the Romany population in Hungary.

The Report from the year 1998 states that the government passed in July 1997 a complex action plan, which has as a goal to improve the situation of Roma in these spheres: education, employment, agriculture, social issues, health matters and habitation. The strength of this program is that it creates the basis for discussion among the government, Roma and other members of the society. The Report considers education as the most important problem. According to the Report’s evaluation Hungary fulfils the Copenhagen criteria.

According to the Report of the Commission from 1999 the situation of Roma didn’t change. The Commission considers the situation of Roma in the fields of education, employment, access to services of the state administration as well as in the fields of health matters and habitation as considerably worse than the situation of the Non-Roma majority as a result of prejudice and discrimination. The Report specially mentions the standpoint of the ombudsman for minorities who states that the Roma are discriminated on the employment market. Romany Action Plan and the doubling of the number of Roma in minority self-governments are strengthening the presence of Roma in the public life. This is considered a significant strength. Despite this fact the situation of Roma remained henceforth very oppressive. According to Report’s evaluation Hungary fulfils the Copenhagen criteria. However, the Commission emphasizes that the government has to guarantee equivalent budgetary financial means for the Romany Action Plan.

Commission’s Report from 2000 appreciates the initiation of the Action Plan, especially the fact that the government guaranteed nineteen millions EURO. It also stresses the unfounded large number of Romany children in special schools. In this connection the Commission appreciates the appointment of the Ombudsman for Education who should concern with this issue.

Apart from Annual Reports the Commission published at the beginning of this year a complex evaluation, which investigates the situation of Roma in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and the Slovak Republic. In the chapter about Hungary we can find again the criticism known from Reports: Racial attacks against Roma, which are not handled by the authorities with a necessary resolution, parliamentary speeches against minorities, special schools evaluated as institutions for segregation of Roma. However, this criticism doesn’t concern the Romany Action Plan. Despite the existence of self-governments, the representations of minority interests as well as the practical application of anti-discrimination norms are considered, according to the Report, insufficient. According to the study, a complex anti-discrimination law lacks.

2. 2. Other governmental institutions

Commission against European Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) published in summer 1999 its second Report about Hungary. From the Report follows that two fields invoke fear: education and employment. ECRI presumes that Roma have no equal right of access to education and employment market.

The tenth meeting of the Group of Experts at the Council of Europe dealing with Romany issues took place in Budapest in autumn 2000. The Group is observing the Romany migration and regularly consults this problem with another international organisations.

On the meeting of the OSCE the opinion was formulated that the largest number of refugees among Roma comes from countries, which receive the highest financial support from the European Union. Romany organisations, which took part in this meeting, proposed that the financing should be suspended until an investigation of spent financial means. The participants proposed a common meeting of the OSCE, European Commission, Council of Europe and Romany organisations, which should investigate the appropriate application of sources and its influence on the Romany migration.

UNESCO published in February 2000 its report about the situation of Roma in the Czech Republic, Romania and Hungary. The report criticises Hungary in many aspects. Besides the governmental sources, the report also considers data published by civil organisations.

Last year also UNHCR became involved in the migration of Roma from the Central and Eastern Europe. The organisation observed the situation of Roma in Kosovo. The organisation mentioned in its standpoint also Roma from Central and Eastern Europe.

As we see, intergovernmental organisations criticise the situation of Roma in Central and Eastern Europe, thus in Hungary. Roma are seriously discriminated in many spheres of everyday life: employment, education, health matters and habitation. Actual efforts of the government are not sufficient enough to solve the problem. It is indisputable that international organisations are, in comparison with the past, more concerned with the question of Romany migration.

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Roman Goga: The Transnational Organized Crime and Corruption – Risks Threatening the Democratic Society

Crime prevention has become an increasingly popular method of combating organized crime and corruption. Strategies to prevent organized crime may focus on undermining the appeal of criminal groups through schools or the media and boosting efforts to prevent juvenile deliquency, reducing opportunities for criminal gain, such as limiting illegal markets or increasing transparency in public offices to thwart organized crime and corruption. Other tactics include reducing the demand for illicit drugs or sexual services, information campaigns directed at potentional trafficking victims, increasing the risks of smuggling through international marking systems and tightening money-laundering laws.

Global strategies to prevent numerous forms of crime worldwide is the main topic of the Center for International Crime Prevention (CICP). A key interest of CICP is elaborating a strategy to thwart criminality as well as innovative ways of combating violence against women, the illicit manufacture and trafficking in explosives and corruption, including its proceeds. CICP’s emphasis is on non-punitive ways of preventing crime. Has shown to be cheaper and more effective than traditional measures, such as lengthy prison sentences. These strategies tackle social problems pushing potential criminals to the brink or aim to eliminate the situations and rewards that tempt them. Another major focus of CICP is the prevention of organized crime, which is receiving increased attention in many countries worldwide. Prevention strategies include downplaying the appeal of criminal groups, especially for youth, and eliminating opportunities for gain by introducing measures against corruption and transnational organized crime.

CICP is responsible for crime prevention, criminal justice and criminal law reform. It pays special attention to combating transnational organized crime, corruption and illicit trafficking in human beings. There were nine resolutions relating to CICP adopted by the General Assembly at its 55th session. Resolution No.:

CICP employs about 25 professionals staff members. It cooperates with the network of international and regional institutions, allowing for a more comprehensive approach and an exchange of expertise. CICP works with Member States to strengthen the rule of law promote stable and viable criminal justice systems and combat the growing threat of transnational organized crime through better cooperation.

The Center assist countries in the elaboration, ratification and implementation of international criminal law conventions and protocols, such as recently adopted UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime.

The CICP also defines and promotes internationally recognized principles in such areas as independence of the judiciary, protection of victims, alternatives to imprisonment, treatment of prisoners, police use of force, mutual legal assistance and extradition. More than 100 countries have relied on its criminal justice standards and norms for the elaboration of national legislation and policies in matters of crime prevention and criminal justice, leading to a common foundation in the fight against international crime, respecting human rights.

CICP promotes the fundamental principles of maintenance of the rule of law through national, regional and interregional activities. The technical co-operation activities of the Centre focus particular attention on developing countries, and countries in transition.

Corruption is a complex social, political and economic phenomenon. The Global Programme against Corruption targets countries with vulnerable developing or transitional economies by promoting anti-corruption measures and helping to make public-sector actions more transparent.

The smuggling of migrants and the trafficking of human beings for prostitution and slave labour are two of the fastest growing global problems in recent years. Recent studies show the increased involvement of organized crime groups. The Global Programme against Trafficking in Human Beings will enable countries of origin, transit and destination to develop joint strategies and practical action against human trading.

Criminal groups have established international network to better carry out their activities both in licit and illicit markets by employing sophisticated technology and diverse modus operandi. The Global Program against Transnational Organized Crime maps the latest trends of organized criminal groups and highlights their potential worldwide danger so that preventive action can take place.

CICP promotes research and studies new end emerging forms of crime in cooperation with the United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI). The Centre maintains the Internet-based United Nations Crime and Justice Information Network (UNCJIN).

Slovakia is playing active role on the field of fighting against transnational organized crime and corruption. It means to be a party to the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, signed on 14 December 2000, ratification is to be needed. Slovakia should sign the Protocols thereto this UN Convention, Protocol Trafficking in Persons and Protocol Smuggling of Migrants until 12 December 2002.

Slovak government has adopted Action Plan against Corruption on 20 November 2000. Slovakia has signed the documents of Council of Europe which have been elaborated in the Multidisciplinary Group on Corruption (GMC) – Agreement Establishing the Group of States against Corruption adopted by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on 1 May 1999, and the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption adopted by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on 4 November 1998 as well as Civil Law Convention on Corruption adopted by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on 9 September 1999. On the level of Council of Europe was established the Group of States against Corruption (GRECO), to which is Slovakia a member, as Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Lithuania, Luxemburg, Poland, Romania, Slovenia, Spain and Sweden. On the level of OECD Slovakia is a party to of Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions adopted by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development on 21 November 1997, which was signed by Slovakia on 17 December 1997.

Transformation and fully implementation of these international legal instruments allow the Slovak Republic to raise its credibility by foreign investors and improve the living standards of ordinary people which is one of the necessary conditions to be part of the western European community.

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Friis Arne Petersen: Rozširovanie Severoatlantickej aliancie a Európskej únie v zmysle zvyšovania európskej bezpečnosti

Ďalekosiahle politické a ekonomické zmeny v Európe počas poslednej dekády poskytujú nádejnú perspektívu, že budúca bezpečnostná európska architektúra skutočne zahrnie záujmy všetkých európskych národov, a nebude iba nešťastnou replikou blokového myslenia štyridsiatich rokov studenej vojny. Rovnako dôležitý je fakt, že európska bezpečnosť je a zostane nedeliteľná a nevyhnutne založená na transatlantickom spojení. Tento článok podporuje názor, že rozšírenie NATO a EÚ budú hnacou silou smerom k nerozdelenej, bezpečnej a demokratickej Európe. Autor sa tiež stotožňuje s názorom, že stratégie rozširovania v oboch organizáciách by mali byť ambiciózne s cieľom zahrnúť krajiny strednej a východnej Európy tak skoro, ako to bude možné. Dánsko bude podporovať tieto snahy už budúci rok na nasledujúcich summitoch NATO a EÚ v Prahe a Kodani. Neexistuje iná prijateľná alternatíva pre odstránenie starých deliacich čiar v Európe, a preto by sme nemali premárniť túto príležitosť.

NATO uskutočnilo veľký krok smerom k rozšíreniu na madridskom summite v júli 1997, keď prizvalo Českú republiku, Maďarsko a Poľsko, aby sa pripojili k Aliancii. Všetky tri krajiny sa stali členmi v marci 1999 tesne pred summitom vo Washingtone. Na tomto summite bol predstavený Akčný plán pre členstvo (Membership Action Plan – MAP), ktorý slúži ako orientačná schéma príprav ašpirujúcich krajín na členstvo v NATO. Tiež sa potvrdil úmysel NATO prizvať ašpirujúce krajiny na rokovania o členstve; Česká republika, Maďarsko a Poľsko boli iba začiatok. Aj v ďalších smeroch washingtonský summit zdôraznil adaptáciu NATO na podmienky po skončení studenej vojny, zdôraznil, že partnerstvo s ostatnými krajinami euroatlantického priestoru, v neposlednom rade Partnerstvo za mier a Euroatlantická partnerská rada, prispeje k prevencii konfliktov a krízovému manažmentu, ako napríklad mier podporujúce operácie SFOR a KFOR pod vedením NATO, čo je súčasťou bazálnych bezpečnostných cieľov Aliancie. Summit uznal posilnenú úlohu Európy a podporu vývoja spoločnej bezpečnostnej a obrannej politiky v rámci rozhodnutia EÚ vybudovať kapacitu krízového manažmentu pre prípady, keď sa NATO ako celok nebude môcť angažovať. Washingtonský summit ďalej zdôraznil, že NATO a EÚ budú musieť spolupracovať, aby sa zabezpečila efektívna vzájomná konzultácia, spolupráca a transparentnosť krízového manažmentu.

Na rokovaní Európskej rady v Nice v decembri 2000 sa potvrdilo, že európsky krízový manažment bude založený na tesnej spolupráci s NATO a širokom zapojení krajín mimo Európskej únie. Pre Dánsko je prirodzené, že európsky krízový manažment sa bude týkať všetkých krajín s legitímnym záujmom o stabilnú a bezpečnú Európu. Medzi týmito krajinami má Slovensko svoje miesto. Slovensko po boku ostatných krajín signalizovalo svoj záujem prispieť k európskemu krízovému manažmentu či už v rámci NATO, ako sa to práve deje prostredníctvom operácií SFOR a KFOR, alebo v budúcnosti v rámci EÚ. Rozširovanie NATO by malo byť aj kľúčovou témou pražského summitu v novembri 2002. Otázne ostáva, či by sa mal problém rozširovania rozhodnúť v Prahe, a ak áno, aké rozhodnutie by sa malo prijať? Sú ašpirujúce krajiny už pripravené na členstvo v NATO? Prirodzene, skúsenosti s Českou republikou, Maďarskom a Poľskom zohrajú dôležitú úlohu. Z technického a vojenského hľadiska sa počiatočné problémy so zavádzaním obranných reforiem a adaptáciou na štandard NATO riešili spoločnými silami, pričom operačná kapacita Aliancie nebola nijakým spôsobom postihnutá, rozhodovacia schopnosť NATO ostala taktiež intaktná. Vzdušná kampaň v Kosove, ako aj operácie KFOR a SFOR viac ako jasne demonštrujú, že NATO zostáva organizáciou schopnou transformovať potrebné rozhodnutia na účinnú a primeranú akciu. MAP tiež priblížil kandidátske krajiny k NATO. Poskytol rámec pre intenzívny dialóg v širokej škále politických, ekonomických, obranno-vojenských, bezpečnostných a právnych záležitostí. Pri bezpečnostných reformách a vojenskej príprave na členstvo v NATO využívajú ašpirujúce krajiny procesy MAP a existujúce nástroje PfP (Partnership for Peace), hlavne rozšírené a adaptované Planning and Review Process. Členské krajiny NATO oceňujú všeobecný pokrok, ktorý dosiahli ašpirantské krajiny pri budovaní svojich ozbrojených síl, a snahy vedúce ku kompatibilite ozbrojených zložiek, ktoré sa zúčastňujú na operáciách podporujúcich mier.

Otvorené dvere Aliancie, rozhodnutie o rozširovaní NATO z roku 1997, úspešná integrácia troch nových členov a iniciovanie Akčného plánu pre členstvo mali nesmierne pozitívny dopad na bezpečnostné prostredie v euroatlantickom priestore. Dialóg medzi ašpirujúcimi krajinami a Alianciou nikdy nebol taký intenzívny, vojenská spolupráca taká tesná. Kandidatúra na členstvo je sama osebe integrujúci a stabilizačný faktor, pretože nové demokracie veľmi tvrdo pracujú na tom, aby demonštrovali svoju identifikáciu s hodnotami a prioritami Aliancie, ako aj svoju schopnosť poskytnúť prídavnú/zvýšenú bezpečnosť Aliancie.

Na základe týchto skutočností je Dánsko presvedčené, že Aliancia by mala pokračovať v politike rozširovania a pozvanie na rokovania o členstve rozšíriť aj na ďalšie krajiny už na pražskom summite. Rozhodnutie o ďalších pozvánkach ale vyžaduje konsenzus všetkých 19 členov NATO.

NATO a EÚ majú spoločný široko koncipovaný prístup k otázke bezpečnosti a deklarovaný cieľ rozšíriť zónu stability na celú Európu pomocou procesu rozširovania. Proces rozširovania oboch organizácií postupuje pomerne synchrónne, čím vytvára synergické efekty mimoriadne dôležité pre zainteresované krajiny. Momentálny stav procesu rozširovania sa dosiahol vývojom, ktorý vyžadoval mnoho politickej odvahy a prezieravosti na oboch stranách, jednak terajších členov EÚ, ako aj kandidátskych krajín. Prvým dôležitým rozhodnutím bolo prijatie tzv. kodanských kritérií pre členstvo na kodanskom summite v júni 1993. Kandidátske krajiny tak dostali k dispozícii prehľadný systém smerníc pre svoje politické a ekonomické reformy. Podľa týchto kritérií členstvo v Európskej únii pripadá do úvahy pre krajiny, ktoré dosiahli stabilitu inštitúcií garantujúcich demokraciu, vládu práva, rešpektovanie ľudských práv a ochranu menšín. Kandidátske krajiny by mali mať fungujúcu trhovú ekonomiku a ekonomickú silu, ktorá umožní konkurencieschopnosť na jednotnom trhu.

Kodanské kritériá a jasná perspektíva členstva prispievajú k procesu reformy v strednej a východnej Európe. Kolaps bývalých politických štruktúr teoreticky mohol viesť k napätiam, dokonca ku konfliktom, keby dané režimy nemali záujem na mierovom usporiadaní. Aj keď sú všetky okolnosti v strednej a východnej Európe veľmi odlišné od daností bývalej Juhoslávie, krvavé udalosti na západnom Balkáne ukázali, ako dramaticky sa môže vyvinúť situácia, ak nie je prítomná politická vôľa a vízia. Fakt, že historicky podmienené konflikty susedných krajín a menšinových záležitosti v strednej a východnej Európe sa riešia mierovou a konštruktívnou cestou, je výsledkom vývoja, ktorým tieto krajiny prešli s cieľom členstva v EÚ a NATO. Už v tomto štádiu procesu je to cenný príspevok k zvýšenej bezpečnosti a stabilite v Európe.

Prvé kandidátske krajiny začali prístupové rokovania v marci 1998: Estónsko, Maďarsko, Česká republika, Slovinsko, Poľsko a Cyprus. Vo februári minulého roku boli rozšírené prístupové rokovania na Litvu, Lotyšsko, Slovensko, Rumunsko, Bulharsko a Maltu. Kandidátske krajiny úspešne napredujú v plnení kodanských kritérií. Jednotlivé krajiny začali svoje reformy na rozličných základoch a postupovali individuálnou rýchlosťou. Všetky ale dosiahli impozantný pokrok, ktorý sa pred desiatimi rokmi nedal predvídať. V blízkej budúcnosti privíta Európska únia prvých nových členov.

Európska únia nesie veľkú zodpovednosť pri zabezpečení mieru, stability a vývoja v Európe. Bola to primárna motivácia pri zakladaní Európskych spoločenstiev a mala by zostať primárnym cieľom v budúcnosti. Dánsko bude predsedať Európskej únii v druhej polovici roku 2002 a urobí všetko, čo bude v jeho silách, aby ukončilo rokovania s najlepšie pripravenými krajinami počas svojho predsedníctva.

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Radomír Boháč: Slovak Republic and NATO’s Second Wave of Enlargement

The enlargement of NATO and EU is a major movement dominating political scene in Europe after collapse of Cold-War Era. The success in the process of joining NATO and EU determines also a global position of the Slovak Republic.

The question of security guaranties presents absolute national priority for the country like Slovakia, which was for more than 1000 years fighting for survival. Therefore, NATO membership has been declared as top foreign and security policy objective for Slovakia since the country became independent in 1993. Slovakia considers collective defence to be the key function of NATO and the only possible option for obtaining security guarantees.

The reasons why Slovakia did not get an invitation to join NATO at the summit in Madrid are well known. Surprisingly, even next Washington summit was not reflecting real progress and new development in Slovakia regarding criteria for entering NATO.

An analysis of the experience with the first wave of enlargement could bring us to following conclusions:

the first enlargement of NATO was based predominantly on political reasons; crucial role of the United States; geopolitical position of Slovakia did not play as important role in decision making process as expected; countries included into the first wave of enlargement are undoubtedly in better position with regard to the first EU enlargement; there was no visible worsening in relations between new NATO members and the Russian Federation; the first enlargement proved extreme importance of the bilateral relations between candidates and decisive NATO members; etc.

The young Central and East European democracies have practically no security guaranties but UN and OSCE. These countries are not under any immediate security threat and danger but also they have the right to defend themselves against any outside security threat. That right represents for them admission to NATO.

The partnership countries are following very closely the discussion inside NATO, regarding possible next enlargement. The majority of NATO countries did not absorb the consequences of the first wave of enlargement and are quite reluctant to speed up the process of the second wave of enlargement.

There is no consensus within the Alliance for an early second round and there are no clear favourite candidates. There is silent consensus among NATO members not to mention any candidate for the second wave and not to fix any date for a future decision on enlargement. NATO countries are so far only promising to take the decision during next year summit.

The final push regarding further enlargement of NATO is going to be made again by the USA. Taking into consideration the foreign policy priorities stressed by the new U.S. President G. W Bush is becoming quite clear that the next summit of NATO (2002) will be at least indicating the guidelines of the further extension of NATO.

The main elements in the decision making process regarding next NATO enlargement:

decisive step is going to be taken again by the United States; possible pause or enduring ”open door policy” would leave a part of Europe out of the Euroatlantic zone of peace and stability, and also vulnerable to conflicts; necessity to continue the process of enlargement as an essential of the process of integration of the new democracies; the second wave of enlargement will be based on real fulfilment of military, political, economic criteria; the experience with the first Central European round; there is no consensus within the Alliance for moving ahead with the second round; the first wave of enlargement and the open door policy of enlargement should not create new divisions and grey areas or zones of influence in Europe; all the leading candidates have some liabilities and will need time to improve their bid etc.

The strengthening of EU defence and security policy is also bringing more questions regarding the future of NATO. Will this European defence and security policy sit inside or outside of NATO? If outside, will that mean the end of NATO? If inside, how will that affect NATO countries outside EU, such as big and strategically valuable Turkey? (Perhaps Poland.)

Entry into the Alliance provides the only viable and realistic security option for Slovakia. Slovakia is viewed by a number of observers as the top candidate to be invited by NATO at the next turn. The admission of Slovakia into NATO will be an act of historical justice. Furthermore, nation like Slovaks, fighting for its freedom for so long knows its price and is willing to strengthen NATO capacity.

The admission of the Slovak Republic to NATO and EU (equal foreign priorities) should stay as the top priority for any government aimed to strengthened stable political, economic development and ensure national security guaranties.

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Kateřina Janků: Emigration from the Czech Republic to Canada in the Period of Liberalisation of the Visa Obligation from the 1st April 1996 till the 7th October 1997 and its Institutional Impacts

Since the 1st April 2001 Canadian Citizens can travel to Czech Republic only after the receipt of a visa. Approximately 30.000 people travel each year from Canada to Czech Republic. It is possible, that through the application of visa this number will be markedly influenced.

Application of visa by Canada in October 1997 was related to the growing official immigration and asylum applications in Canada given by the citizens of Czech Republic. Their applications were regarded with reference to a possible assault in the Czech Republic. The merit of declared risk is racial discrimination as a result of Romany nationality. A dual international problem occurred. On the one hand Czech applicants surprised the Canadian immigration system. Their large number overcharged the capacity of institutions, which provide the living costs to the asylum seekers (first of all accommodation and financial means). On the other hand, on the political level Canada always regarded the Czech Republic as a democratic country and this is in contradiction with declarations of racial harassment. The reputation of the promising developing democracy in the Czech Republic was discredited.

The growing emigration of Roma’s from the Czech Republic opened in the local massmedia a discussion about relations between Roma’s and the so-called ”white majority” of Czechs. Substandard and conflict situations were engendered by the knowledge of a possible xenophobia in the Czech society. Last but not least the question of the Romany culture has been discussed, cultural differences and inadaptability of Romany population.

What are the reasons of the Romany emigration to Canada? One of the most mentioned reasons for granting political asylum to Czech Roma’s in Canada and United States is the Czech citizenship law. This law has been criticized on the ground of infringement of the General Declaration on Human Rights and International agreements on human and political rights for latent racial discrimination against Roma’s living in the Czech Republic.

Another event, which relates to the mass emigration of Roma’s from the Czech Republic to Canada, is the transmission of the TV report ”Gipsies Go to Heaven” on August 5th, 1997 by the television station NOVA. The report informed about the improved living conditions of Czech Roma’s in Canada and contained a direct appeal for emigration to Canada. Immediately after the transmission of the report the sale of tickets to Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver rose.

The majority of Roma’s asked for residence permit after the arrival to Canada directly at the airport’s immigration office or soon after the arrival to Canada. This was the subject of criticism from the side of Czech nationals who lived in Canada. They were convinced that the Roma’s had no reason to flee from the Czech Republic and that they had to ask for residence permit before their arrival to Canada. Approach of Roma’s has been considered for spreading the idea that the situation in the Czech Republic is critical. It is hard to judge where the reasons are that Roma’s did not use the regular way to apply for residence permit. We can just presume that one of the reasons is the distrust of Roma’s to domestic institutions caused by bad experiences with police, courts and so forth.

The asylum procedure in Canada allows a person to stay in the country as a refugee even for two years until the individual gets the statute of an immigrant. In the meantime the refugee gets help from the side of the Canadian Federal Government and the local administration in form of take over of living costs and financial help before the court – Legal Aid, specific financial help to pay an immigration lawyer.

A refugee according to the Canadian immigration law, valid from 1985, is an individual persecuted from at least one of these five reasons: race, religion, nationality, allegiance to a specific social group, political conviction. If just one of these reasons is fulfilled, the individual becomes the statute of a refugee. The allegiance to Romany nationality is also considered as a sufficient reason, but only in case of applicant’s unequivocal visual identification, because only just then he can experience defamation and menace as a result of racial discrimination at the offices or in public life.

Various institutions (Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International) collect materials about living conditions of Roma’s in the Czech Republic. A special attention should be paid to materials of the Council for Refugees and Immigration. The Council has its own research centre, which processes requests of immigration lawyers regarding particular problems of their cases. Further, the research department elaborated at the end of the year 1997 four thematic documents ”Roma’s in the Czech Republic” – state protection, identity and culture, education and selected topics (Czech citizenship law, employment, habitation, accusation of discrimination and possibilities of avoiding persecution without emigration). Besides the Council organised in October 1997 an expert debate on the topic ”The Situation of Roma’s in Central and Eastern Europe”. All materials are available to public in the Documentary Center of the Council for Refugees and Immigration. It is obvious that the amount of prepared materials corresponds with the situation at the end of the year 1997 when the number of asylum applicants increased.

The organisation Roma Community and Advocacy Centre (RCAC) was established in Toronto at the turn of 1997 and 1998. Its main objective is informing the Canadian public about the Romany culture and interests through publishing information materials, proposing educational programmes, participating of representatives of the organization on seminars and conferences. An important fact was the campaign focusing on journalists from May 1998 with the title” Call us Roma, not Gypsies”. In September 1998 the RCAC began with publishing of the first Canadian journal about Roma’s ”Romano Lil”. In August 1998 the RCAC appointed a caseworker for a part time job to help Romany asylum seekers to settle in Canada. Another organisation, which was established in August 1998 in Hamilton as a result of the Romany exodus is The Czecho-Slovak association of Roma in Canada. The name of this organisation reminds of the Czech and Slovak Canadian Association, which unites immigrants from the Czech Republic and Slovakia.

The Romany exodus to Canada had an impact in the sphere of state administration in the form of institutional changes in the Czech Republic. The Report on the Situation of the Romany Community in the Czech Republic was the impulse for the establishment of a Commission dealing with Romany issues. The second institution established in accordance with the Report are Romany Advisors operating in each municipality office.

The emigration of Roma’s from the Czech Republic to Canada is a hardly soluble phenomenon. However, it is important to realise that the majority of the Romany population stayed in the Czech Republic and is not interested in emigration. This is a challenge for local politicians and the public to solve the Romany problem not only if it seems that one of the conflict parties emigrates.

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Alena Kotvanová, Attila Szép: The Migration of the Representatives of Romany Minority as a Topic of Public and Political Discussion in Slovakia

In recent years an ongoing public and political debate have emerged in Slovakia on the migration of the members of Romany community to the member states of the European Union. A growing interest for this question occurred on all levels of the Slovak society. It was directly evoked by the efforts of Roma to get an asylum in some of the West European countries and consequences that it caused. The phenomenon of Romany migration was the subject of many expert discussions and analyses; conception of solving this problem were worked out. Despite this fact a bigger improvement of the situation was not reached. Contrariwise, politics, media and the public opinion simplified and vulgarized the problem into the discussion.

Two approaches characterize the public discussion. Unfortunately, the approach based on expert analyses of scientific representatives has not a considerable meaning in the public debate; therefore the discussion has been reduced to an ”ethnotouristic” and discriminating approach. The ”ethnoturistic” approach characterizes the Romany migration as a speculative misuse of asylum policies of target countries. The discriminating approach, typical for Romany representatives, emphasizes the discrimination of the Romany ethnic group from the side of extremist groups and some representatives of the public administration, discrimination on the labor market, in the school system etc. as the reason for Romany migration.

The Romany question as a subject of scientific analyses in Slovakia is solved either as a part of broader social problems or its partial spheres. There is no comprehensive monographic elaboration of these problems, except the IOM Report. Despite this fact a big amount of publications, studies and working papers from conferences provide reach materials for argumentation.

Documents adopted by the Government of the Slovak Republic since the 1989 perceive the Romany question as a complex of problems, which have not only a social-economic and cultural character, but also an ethical, civilization, economical and political one. Most of all materials since 1999 reflect the critical situation, which led to a mass Romany migration. On the other hand it has to be acknowledged that despite declared intentions the state failed in the realization of civil rights of Roma. Weakness is also financing of measures as well as the effectiveness of investing money. Another following: problem is that each new government supports its own idea of solving the Romany problem, which hinders the long-term efficiency of conceptions.

Substantial criteria of the success in this issue are the regular evaluating/progress reports of international organizations about Slovakia. Criticism is concentrated on many aspects of the problems of the Romany minority, e.g. a special Committee for Human rights was not established as well as the institute of ombudsman. Furthermore the Slovak Republic has not a legal regulation known in the world as non-discrimination law.

Focusing on this period it can be also said that the biggest problem of the Slovak foreign policy during the tenure of the present Government was caused by the implementation of the asylum obligation by some member states of the European Union as a result of many asylum applicants from Slovakia’s Romany minority.

Even though the Slovak Government worked much for improvement, the political elite since 1998, to a certain extent, underestimated the problems of the Romany minority. Despite this fact the things moved significantly forward since 1989. The Slovak Governments adopted in 1991, 1993 and 1997 strategic documents of radical character dealing with the problems of the Romany minority. Nevertheless the problems of the Romany population have never been part of political parties’ primary interest. On the other hand it has to be mentioned that Romany political subjects were never (even not before the 1998 elections) able to develop a sufficient intense pressure on the political representation of the majority population in order to achieve their goals. The biggest problem in this respect is a missing structure of Romany minority institutions that can ensure the projection of political will into the practice.

Since the migration wave in 1999-2000 all political parties had to deal with this problem. A new attitude had to be developed, debates moved from the declaration level to a more systematic approach.

In regard to their standpoint, the political parties can be divided in three major groups. On the one side there are political parties, which showed an interest to solve this problem systematically, on the other side there are parties, which use a national or populist phraseology trying to misuse the problems of the Romany minority for their own interests. Parties with a moderate approach and as well as parties with a disinterested attitude belong to the group.

The whole public debate showed in a broader context that they are three groups of arguments within the society. The first argument is based on the so-called ”ethnotouristic theory”, which accuses the Romany population of abusing the asylum policy and laws of the target countries. Representatives of the second group criticize the Government for an inappropriate and inefficient minority policy towards the Romany population. Such an understanding can be considered as a technocratic and bureaucratic as it sees the primary failure in the malfunction of government institutions dealing with this issue. The eurosceptic argumentation represents the third group, which disputes the openness of target countries, member states of the EU. It referred to the variance between the adopted declarations and the missing political will to implement them.

The Government of Prime Minister Dzurinda used all information and official channels to explain the actual situation when Romany migration can be considered as a threat of Slovakia’s integration ambitions. The Slovak diplomacy always underlined that the legislation of the Slovak Republic solves the status of minorities in accordance with international documents. Therefore this kind of migration does not reflect discrimination against Romany minority that based on legal documents.

In summary it is necessary to underline that Slovakia like many other countries in the region, which have the same problem, is not able to solve it within a short time. The mode of political debate showed that (like in Hungary or the Czech Republic) the asylum seekers could be very easily viewed as scapegoats in connection to the accession process.

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Valentina Petrus: Azylové procedúry v niektorých krajinách Európskej únie


Legislatívny rámec

Považuje sa za mimoriadne dôležité, aby bola určená identita žiadateľa o azyl a jeho trasa príchodu do Dánska. Ak Dánsky imigračný úrad (DIS – Danish Immigration Service) nemôže rozhodnúť pri vstupe, môže byť žiadateľ zadržaný, pokiaľ požadované informácie nie sú k dispozícii.

Žiadatelia o azyl, ktorí nie sú zamietnutí už na hranici, môžu vstúpiť na územie Dánska a zaregistrovať sa v registračnom centre Sandholm blízko Kodane. Žiadatelia sú povinní vyplniť dotazník s podrobnými osobnými údajmi a dôvodmi, pre ktoré žiadajú o azyl. Všetci žiadatelia absolvujú interview s pracovníkom Dánskeho imigračného úradu, v ktorom majú možnosť doplniť a vysvetliť údaje v dotazníku. Na základe týchto informácií sa žiadatelia rozdelia na kandidátov zrýchlenej procedúry, v prípade, že ich žiadosť je výrazne neopodstatnená, a účastníkov regulárnej azylovej procedúry.

Procedúra prijatia

Táto prax sa uplatňuje len v prípadoch “bezpečných tretích krajín” a transferov podľa Dublinskej konvencie. V prípadoch, v ktorých nie je jednoznačne určená identita žiadateľa o azyl a jeho trasa príchodu do Dánska, žiadateľ je zadržaný a Dánsky imigračný úrad musí rozhodnúť do troch mesiacov. Žiadateľ o azyl sa môže proti rozhodnutiu Dánskeho imigračného úradu odvolať na ministerstvo vnútra, toto odvolanie ale nemá suspenzačný efekt, a ak žiadateľa nie je možné vrátiť do “bezpečnej tretej krajiny”, bude doporučený na azylovú procedúru.

Po policajnej registrácii absolvujú žiadatelia rozhovor s pracovníkom Dánskeho imigračného úradu a v prípade, že ich tento rozhovor kvalifikuje ako žiadateľov s “výrazne neopodstatnenou” žiadosťou, sú postúpení na konfrontačné hodnotenie Dánskeho utečeneckého výboru kvôli nezávislému hodnoteniu. Ak tento Výbor (DRC – Danish Refugee Council) nesúhlasí s rozhodnutím DIS, môže toto rozhodnutie vetovať. Toto je unikátny fenomén medzi európskymi azylovými procedúrami. DRC je čiastočne financovaný zo strany štátu, ak vetuje rozhodnutie, Dánsky imigračný úrad posunie prípad do roviny bežnej zisťovacej procedúry. V roku 1999 napr. vetoval Dánsky utečenecký výbor 17 percent prípadov. Voči negatívnemu rozhodnutiu vo veci “výrazne neopodstatnenej” žiadosti zo strany Dánskeho utečeneckého výboru neexistuje odvolanie a zamietnutý žiadateľ o azyl musí okamžite opustiť krajinu.

V dánskej klasifikácii sú “bezpečné tretie krajiny pôvodu” nasledovné: všetky európske krajiny, USA, Kanada, Austrália, Nový Zéland, Japonsko, Benin, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, Tanzánia.

Regulárna procedúra zisťovania skutočností

Počas bežnej zisťovacej procedúry je žiadateľ v styku s Dánskym imigračným úradom, ktorý rozhoduje v prvej inštancii. Ak je rozhodnutie v rámci normálnej procedúry negatívne, automaticky sa podáva odvolanie na RAB (Refugee Appeals Board – Rada pre odvolania utečencov). Pri normálnej procedúre má odvolanie suspenzačný/pozastavujúci efekt a každý žiadateľ o azyl má nárok na právneho zástupcu, ktorého pridelí a platí štát.

Vypočúvania pred Radou vyžadujú fyzickú prítomnosť azylanta a jeho právneho zástupcu, a nie sú verejné. Rozhodnutie Rady je konečné, a nepodlieha možnosti odvolania. Dánsky utečenecký výbor poskytuje informácie a právnu pomoc všetkým žiadateľom o azyl počas celej azylovej procedúry. Zamietnutý žiadateľ sa s cudzineckou políciou dohodne na čase a spôsobe svojho návratu. Dánsky štát platí spiatočné lístky a poskytuje vreckové len v prípade úplnej finančnej núdze žiadateľa.

Sociálne podmienky žiadateľov o azyl má v kompetencii dánsky Červený kríž, ktorý poskytuje ubytovanie a medicínsku starostlivosť v špecializovaných utečeneckých centrách. Tento systém zahŕňa aj školskú dochádzku a sociálnopsychologickú starostlivosť o obete mučenia a vojny. Azylanti nemajú prístup k platenej práci a štandardnému dánskemu vzdelávaciemu systému.


Legislatívny rámec

Konvenčný utečenecký status sa vymedzuje za podmienok garantovaných definíciou utečenca v Ženevskej konvencii, na základe potreby ochrany môže byť vydané aj povolenie k pobytu de facto. Za určitých podmienok je možné poskytnúť povolenie k pobytu z humanitárnych dôvodov. Status de facto znamená, že dané osoby majú právo na rekonštrukciu rodinných pomerov (prijatie členov rodiny) a sociálne výhody v takej miere ako utečenci spadajúci pod Konvenciu. Utečencov je možné zadržiavať na hraniciach, pokiaľ nie je jasná ich identita a trasa, ktorou sa dostali do krajiny. Ak je v súlade s Dublinskou konvenciou zodpovedný za posudzovanie ich žiadosti iný štát, azylant sa odsunie do danej krajiny. Z týchto dôvodov je mimoriadne dôležité identifikovať trasu príchodu do krajiny.

Vo Fínsku je možné požiadať o azyl vo forme písomnej žiadosti pri pasovej kontrole, na polícii alebo priamo v Imigračnom úrade čo najskôr po príchode do Fínska. Polícia vypočuje žiadateľa v zmysle jeho identifikácie, trasy príchodu a dôvodov, pre ktoré vo Fínsku žiada o azyl . Správu zašle na Imigračný úrad. Ak žiadatelia prichádzajú z “bezpečnej krajiny”, interview prebehne rýchlo. V poslednom čase bol tento urýchlený priebeh aplikovaný v prípade slovenských a poľských Rómov, žiadajúcich o azyl vo Fínsku.

Výrazne nepodložená/neodôvodnená žiadosť

V zmysle fínskej azylovej legislatívy je žiadosť o azyl výrazne neodôvodnená ak:

Fínsko nemá zoznam “bezpečných tretích krajín” a posudzuje bezpečnosť krajiny individuálne. Bolo to tak aj v prípade slovenských rómskych žiadateľov o azyl, ktorí cestovali do Fínska cez Českú republiku. V prvej inštancii rozhodne Imigračný úrad o statuse/štatúte žiadateľa v zmysle definície utečenca. Všetky negatívne posudky sa automaticky posielajú na preskúmanie Helsinskému správnemu súdu. Rozhodnutia súdu sú konečné a môžu byť nasledovné:

Žiadateľ o azyl sa môže odvolať voči rozhodnutiu Imigračného úradu do 30 dní od upovedomenia o rozhodnutí, v takom prípade má odvolanie pozastavujúci charakter. Počas azylovej procedúry má azylant nárok na bezplatnú právnu pomoc. Ak je konečné rozhodnutie negatívne, žiadateľ môže opustiť Fínsko, alebo opätovne požiadať o azyl v prípade, že jeho osobná situácia alebo situácia v krajine pôvodu sa medzičasom dramaticky zmenila. Azylanti poberajú právnu pomoc z Utečeneckého poradného centra (Refugee Advice Center), ktorú platí štát. Ak žiadateľ o azyl v prípade zamietnutia jeho žiadosti odmietne opustiť teritórium Fínska, fínske autority použijú donucovacie prostriedky a vyhostia ho nasilu. Ak nemá financie na zaplatenie dopravy, Fínsko mu poskytne limitovanú finančnú pomoc. Zadržanie sa používa v prípade pripravovaného vyhostenia zamietnutých žiadateľov o azyl. Zadržaní cudzinci majú nárok na komunikáciu s advokátom a ombudsmanom pre cudzincov. Podľa fínskeho azylového práva nie je možné požiadať o azyl vo Fínsku zo zahraničia.

Znovuzjednotenie rodiny je možné na základe Ženevskej konvencie a fínskeho cudzineckého zákona, a žiadosť o prijatie rodinných príslušníkov musí byť iniciovaná a doručená osobou žijúcou vo Fínsku.

Sociálne podmienky pre žiadateľov o azyl

Žiadatelia o azyl môžu zostať v prijímacom centre, alebo sa ubytovať podľa vlastného výberu. Prijímacie centrá sú štátne, komunálne, v kompetencii fínskeho Červeného kríža a jedno v kompetencii mimovládnej organizácie. Po troch mesiacoch azylovej procedúry môžu požiadať o zamestnanie. Pracovné povolenie sa vydáva v prípade, že dané miesto nemôže obsadiť fínsky štátny príslušník alebo cudzinec s povolením k pobytu. Deti majú prístup k fínskemu školstvu bezplatne do veku 16 rokov, azylanti majú zaručenú pohotovostnú lekársku starostlivosť bezplatne. Žiadatelia o azyl, chránení Dublinskou konvenciou, majú tie isté práva a povinnosti ako ostatní žiadatelia.


Legislatívny rámec

Status utečenca je vymedzený v zákone o cudzincoch rovnakými limitmi ako v Ženevskej konvencii. Zákon o cudzincoch tiež kategorizuje osoby vyžadujúce ochranu, aj dočasnú ochranu, nasledovne:

Dočasná ochrana trvá 2 roky a môže byť predĺžená o ďalšie dva roky. Osoby spadajúce pod dočasnú ochranu majú právo na povolenie k pobytu, na pracovné povolenie, ako aj na zjednotenie rodiny – ako v prípade kosovských Albáncov. Po uplynutí tejto lehoty, v prípade, že sa odmietnu vrátiť domov, je potrebné podať žiadosť o azyl. Žiadosť o azyl sa podáva Národnej migračnej rade. Pohraničná polícia nie je kompetentná rozhodnúť o vstupe na švédske územie. Povinná je identifikácia žiadateľa o azyl – otlačky prstov, fotografie, jazykový test.

Výrazne neodôvodnené žiadosti

V rámci ustanovení Zákona o cudzincoch znamená výrazne neopodstatnená žiadosť nasledovné:

Rozhodnutie o výrazne neodôvodnenej žiadosti je v kompetencii Národnej migračnej rady a je možné sa proti nemu odvolať na Cudzineckú odvolaciu radu. Toto odvolanie nemá suspenzačný charakter, na dosiahnutie pozastavenia konania v súvislosti so zamietnutím žiadosti o azyl z daných dôvodov je potrebné podať špeciálnu žiadosť o pozastavenie. V praxi je úspech takéhoto konania zriedkavý a azylant je často zadržaný.

Regulárna procedúra zisťovania skutočností

V prvom stupni konania je Národná migračná rada kompetentná rozhodnúť o samotnej žiadosti o azyl, proces nie je časovo ohraničený a trvá obyčajne okolo 6 mesiacov. Proti negatívnym rozhodnutiam existuje možnosť odvolania na Cudzineckú odvolaciu radu do troch týždňov od doručenia rozhodnutia. Odvolanie má pozastavujúci charakter. Počas celého procesu majú azylanti k dispozícii bezplatnú právnu pomoc a tlmočenie platené štátom. Konečné negatívne rozhodnutie sprevádza vždy súdny príkaz na odsun zo švédskeho teritória. Žiadosti o azyl nie je možné doručiť zo zahraničia, s výnimkou žiadosti o znovuzjednotenie rodiny, ktorú akceptujú švédske zastupiteľské úrady.

Sociálne podmienky žiadateľov o azyl

Azylanti sú umiestnení v centrách, ktoré prevádzkuje Národná migračná rada, ale vo vlastnej réžii môžu bývať i mimo týchto centier. Frekventanti týchto centier poberajú mesačné dávky na potraviny. Žiadatelia o azyl nedostávajú pracovné povolenie, sú povinní zúčastňovať sa na aktivitách, ktoré sa organizujú v záchytnom centre, a jazykových kurzoch. Deti do 16 rokov majú právo na vzdelávanie.


Legislatívny rámec

V súlade s belgickou legislatívou jediný platný status je štatút utečenca podľa Konvencie. Cudzinecký úrad má právo rozhodnúť o vstupe na belgické územie. Žiadatelia o azyl, ktorí nemajú príslušné cestovné dokumenty, potrebné na legálny vstup do Belgicka, môžu byť zadržaní. Belgická legislatíva implementovala Dublinskú konvenciu a predbežným stupňom azylovej procedúry je určenie štátu, ktorý má prednostnú povinnosť zaoberať sa touto žiadosťou. Ak vyšetrovanie ukáže, že Belgicko nie je povinné zaoberať sa žiadosťou, azylant je odsunutý na územie príslušného štátu.

Žiadosti o azyl a vstup na územie Belgicka sa zamietajú hlavne v nasledovných prípadoch:

Cudzinecký úrad rozhodne o prijateľnosti žiadosti. V prípade, že žiadateľ nemá cestovné dokumenty a jeho identita sa nedá zistiť, môže byť zadržaný. Ak žiadosť nie je akceptovateľná, žiadateľ o azyl nemá povolený vstup na belgické územie.

Keď je rozhodnutie o prijatí žiadosti negatívne v prvom konaní, žiadateľ môže podať odvolanie na Generálnu utečeneckú komisiu do troch dní od doručenia rozhodnutia o neprijatí žiadosti. Toto odvolanie má suspenzačný charakter. Zamietnutie odvolania sa môže postúpiť vo forme ďalšieho odvolania na Štátnu radu, ale v tomto prípade odvolanie nemá pozastavujúci charakter. Ak táto inštancia zamietne odvolanie, žiadateľ môže byť vrátený buď do krajiny, ktorú opustil, alebo krajiny pôvodu.

Bežná procedúra

Ak je rozhodnutie v prvom konaní negatívne, žiadateľ o azyl môže podať odvolanie na Radu pre odvolania utečencov do 15 dní od oboznámenia s rozhodnutím. Odvolanie má pozastavujúci charakter. Rozhodnutie Rady je tiež možné postúpiť na preskúmanie Štátnej rade, to ale nemá pozastavujúci charakter, nakoľko Štátna rada je kompetentná preskúmať v administratívnom postupe legálnosť rozhodnutia, a nie posudzovať faktickú stránku prípadu. Počas celého procesu majú žiadatelia o azyl k dispozícii bezplatnú právnu pomoc. Zamietnutí žiadatelia musia opustiť krajinu. Žiadosť o azyl nie je možné podať zo zahraničia. Utečenci spadajúci pod kritériá Konvencie majú nárok na znovuzjednotenie rodiny po priznaní utečeneckého štatútu.

Sociálne podmienky

Žiadatelia o azyl majú možnosť voľného výberu miesta svojho pobytu, ale sú registrovaní v prijímacích centrách. Žiadatelia, ktorí sú povinní opustiť krajinu z dôvodu neprijateľnosti ich žiadosti o azyl, nedostávajú sociálnu pomoc. Žiadatelia počas tejto procedúry nemajú možnosť pracovať. Deti majú prístup k belgickému školskému systému, dospelí majú k dispozícii vzdelávacie programy a jazykové kurzy vo francúzštine a flámčine. Prijímacie centrá poskytujú základnú zdravotnú starostlivosť.

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Richard Vojna: Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy

The case of Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE), or mad cow disease, spreading throughout most of the European Union’s member states might be described in short as the following – intense demonstrations of cattlemen, a thorough cattle-herd slaughter and incinerating, a profound slump in the European Union’s beef market, a scare among consumers, etc.

European governments are thus being faced demanding challenges: how to make European beef and veal markets more stable as well as where to find resources to compensate the consequences of the crisis.

The European Commission overhauled food safety mechanisms in the late 1990s in the wake of the British crisis but although the new procedures may bring to light more cases of BSE the Commission has no powers of enforcement. Agricultural policy is still a nationally guarded preserve.

The European Commission has proposed a new emergency measures package to fight BSE and has called for promoting and developing an ”organic” farming rather than ”industrial” one. The proposals, however, have not been backed by all of the Union‘s member countries. The package suggests a prolongation of the untested-cattle-liquidation programme by the end of 2001, a herd size limitation by which the farmers are eligible to some subsidies out of the European Union budget, some promotion incentives for the ”organic farmers”, or a temporary increase in the annual quantity limit on the volume the Union is entitled to purchase.

As the matter of fact, the European Union’s member states do not appear by far to be unified or even unidirectional on the issue. France claims an increase in the direct payments to the cattlemen, Germany dismisses the slaughter of all the ruminant animals above 30 months of age while Sweden, Denmark and Finland oppose and show a good deal of determination against strengthening of the emergency measures, above all, the ban on use of the fodder compounds that contain any volume of meat-and-bone-meal which has been indicated as the primary source of the BSE spreading.

In the consumer market the plague of BSE has brought about a downturn in beef consumption among Eurocitizens by 27 % on average.

Although the disease till recently deemed to be Europe’s exclusive problem, it is increasingly becoming a global affair. Lots of countries literally ”sit on the ticking bomb”. The mad cow disease does not stretch out only within the European Union frontiers as a considerable quantity of the meat-and-bone-meal as well as some livestock had been exported in 1980s from the affected European states to the countries of Eastern Europe, Middle East, northern Africa, Latin America, and to India. There is a cause for uncertainty in the United States of America as well since the country had imported some tones of the British meat--and-bone-meal and a number of livestock from those states before 1996.

The hidden danger of the mad cow disease lies in the fact that mankind‘s knowledge on BSE, its transmission onto animals and human beings as well as a treatment and cure have been so far fairly limited. Scientists assume the disease gets spread out via ”animal recycling” that is through use of the meat-and-bone-meal as an additive to the fodder. Degenerated proteins – prions – which are believed to originate the disease have proven to be highly heat-and-freeze resistant and are said to be capable of surviving even outside animal body for a period of time. The BSE‘s human form, so-called Creutzfeldt-Jacob disease, is most likely to get into human body by consuming infected meat produce.

The world’s most prestigious and distinguished health and food organizations therefore consider the most essential ”speedy promptness” in passing the needed measures. A fodder with the additive of meat-and-bone-meal had been used to feed also sheep, goats and poultry, moreover, some cases of illegal meat export at a low dumping prices were detected following the outbreak of the slump. For this reason it is uneasy to estimate at present how many animals are BSE bearers.

As the BSE scandal now spreads across Europe, it confirms tragically that as long as food production and safety are subordinated to the profit system and the market, then public health will continue to suffer. An article in Britain’s Financial Times newspaper noted ”first response (by governments) to outbreaks of BSE elsewhere is not to step up their own safety inspection procedures but to launch campaigns urging consumers at home to boycott foreign beef”.

Within the boundaries of the Slovak Republic BSE has not been by and large detected so far. In an effort to prevent BSE spread on its territory Slovakia’s authorities have passed and implemented a set of respective measures of which substantial part has yet been in the past.

The European Commission has placed the Slovak Republic in the third group as to the risk of BSE occurrence falling under the clause ”unlikely to have BSE in domestic cattle but it cannot be excluded”, the move that Slovakia’s current agriculture minister promptly dismissed and indicated as ”an inadequate one taking all the candidate countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the lump”. The minister affirms the meat-and-bone-meal has been banned in the country since 1966 and heifers imported from the BSE-positive-countries have been circled and their offspring banned to trade around whatsoever.

Slovakia’s Agriculture Central Inspection and Test Office’s chief executive has recently declared the nation has created one of the world’s most demanding health-quality systems imbedded in the national legislation with the criteria which exceed the framework of the measures adopted by the European Commission. What is still needed, he adds, are ”some financial resources to improve the existing inspection and test mechanisms”, the point that has been appearing also in regular the European Union Accession Commission‘s assessment reports.

Well, when man breaches the laws of nature...

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